Everyday service life and the material living conditions in the Imperial Army

The Imperial Army and the navy were composed mainly of conscripts. Conscription means the legally based obligation of every male—fit for military service—citizen to perform military service. General conscription was introduced in Prussia as part of the military reforms in 1814 (Law on the Obligation to Military Service of 03.09.1814), in the North German Confederation in 1867 (Law concerning the Obligation to Military Service ... of 09.11.1867). After the foundation of the Reich in 1871, general conscription also applied in the German Empire; the Imperial Military Law of 1874 adopted the previous provisions of the 1867 Military Service Act. Conscription began at the age of 20.

Potential recruits were examined by a conscription commission composed of the commander of the respective district command, a representative of the district administrator, and a doctor. The commission determined fitness (or unfitness), assigned the conscript to a branch of service, and decided on any deferments. During the muster the recruits for the guard formations and the navy were also selected and decisions were made about which craftsmen were needed. Those found fit were enlisted at the beginning of October and had to serve their military term—depending on the branch—of 2–4 years (2 years with the infantry, 3 years with a mounted unit, and 3–4 years with the navy). Service time had been reduced from three to two years in 1893. After the muster the young men returned to their home villages and towns, traditionally adorned with colorful ribbons and flowers. Musterings usually took place from the age of 20. Voluntary enlistment was also possible from the age of 18. If fit, volunteers could then choose their regiment.

Under certain conditions it was possible for the educated bourgeoisie in the Empire to reduce active service obligation to one year. For example, successful completion of one year in the lower fifth class (Untersekunda) of a Gymnasium was required. Qualifications for the so‑called one‑year volunteer service were proven by a certificate of eligibility. If the required certificates could not be produced, there was the option of taking an examination in languages and sciences before the examination commission. Certain reporting deadlines had to be observed. The one‑year volunteers could, if fit, choose their unit. After review of personal circumstances and academic ability, the candidate received a certificate of eligibility for one‑year service from the responsible examination commission. At the beginning of the calendar year in which he turned 20 he had to report in writing or orally to the replacement commission of his conscription district. However, he could enter service earlier. If this deadline was missed, the right to one‑year service was forfeited.

The one‑year volunteers, however, had to bear the costs of clothing, equipment (on loan), accommodation and food themselves, as well as the use of the service horse for cavalry, train and artillery. Equipment was provided against payment of an equipment fee. Weapons had to be kept in usable condition at one's own expense and returned upon discharge. Clothing items could be purchased by the one‑year volunteer at fixed—favorable—prices. These amounted, for example, for the infantry¹:

Cap

In general, clothing (for the infantry) cost about 200 Marks. When procuring one's own clothing items, "any so‑called fashions must be avoided." The pieces had to conform exactly in cut and execution to the existing regulations. Cavalry aspirants faced additional costs: horse compensation = 400.00 Mark (annual), wear compensation for equipment and riding gear = 21.41 Mark (annual), horseshoeing = 4.32 Mark (annual), veterinary medicine = 1.92 Mark (annual). Weapon repair fee = 0.20 Mark (monthly) as well as ration money = 36–40 Mark (monthly). Where required for official training, they were allowed to be housed in the barracks or in the men's quarters. Reserve officers were recruited from this group. They frequently came from wealthy families.

Recruits (in soldier jargon called Hammel) were usually enlisted in October. A few days after enlistment the soldiers took the oath of allegiance. The (flag) oath in the imperial army contained the duty of loyalty to the respective territorial rulers and the promise of obedience to the German Emperor. For the Bavarian contingent the latter applied only in time of war. Members of the Imperial Navy swore allegiance only to the Emperor, as did Alsace‑Lorraine recruits. Before the swearing‑in the recruits were read the articles of war. After preparation in churches etc., the oath was administered by officers in drill halls or on the barracks grounds of the recruits. The oath was usually taken to the flag; with artillery, the guns traditionally played a special role.

At the oath the formula was read aloud, after which the actual vow was given. The oath was introduced by a (judicial) officer and repeated by the recruits. It read: "I (first and last name) swear to God, the All‑Knowing and Almighty, a bodily oath that I will faithfully and dutifully serve His Majesty the King of Prussia Wilhelm II., my most gracious sovereign, in all eventualities on land and at sea, in war and peace, and wherever it may be, promote to the utmost his benefit and good, but refrain from causing him harm and detriment, strictly observe the articles of war read to me and the regulations and orders given to me, and conduct myself as becomes and is due to an honest, undaunted, dutiful and honor‑loving soldier." This was followed by a religious formula differing between Protestants and Catholics. Recruits from Alsace‑Lorraine swore the oath to Emperor Wilhelm II.; the addition "sovereign" was omitted.

The drill regulations for the infantry of 29.05.1906 designated it as the main arm and emphasized that "careful, strict individual training is the foundation of the entire training." The role of the infantry was described as follows: "In concert with the artillery it breaks down the enemy by its fire. It alone breaks his last resistance. It bears the main burden of battle and suffers the greatest losses. For this it also gains the greatest glory" (p. 81). Infantry tactics had already been modernized with the 1888 drill regulations; from that point the skirmish line became the main form of combat. Modern infantry attacks took place in a more open formation, described as the "emptiness of the battlefield." However, the level drill grounds were not well suited to convey realistic combat conditions. The company was to complete the actual drill school, while battalion formations held the combat school. In addition to the drill regulations, shooting and gymnastics rules had to be observed in training².

A field service order of 22.03.1908 regulated details on war organization, troop allocation, reconnaissance and security, march, accommodation and bivouac, baggage, ammunition columns and train, catering, medical service, ammunition replenishment, railway (transport), communications, field gendarmerie and weapon effects etc. generally for all branches in the event of mobilization.

Thus the soldier's training progressed from individual training, training in files, sections and squads, training in the company and battalion, finally to exercises at the regimental and brigade level. The emphasis of infantry training necessarily lay in shooting training. This was supplemented by gymnastics, bayonet fighting training and oral instruction. …."³.

Contemporaries already opposed a mechanized drill: "While educating the individual into a self‑confident man and an experienced, war‑ready soldier, one must still place the greatest value on discipline. One must not strive for mere dressage, a simple mechanization of actions that makes the man merely execute given commands, even in combat. Discipline must be internalized …. The soldier must retain pleasure and cheerfulness in drilling; then in half the time double the result can be achieved. Long hours of individual drill do not establish real discipline. That time would be better used to make the man a field soldier who feels at home in the terrain and enjoys going into the field."

The art historian and later director of the Westphalian State Museum of Art and Cultural History in Münster reports on his time with the Infantry Herwarth von Bittenfeld (1st Westphalian) No. 13 (Münster): "The actual training of the one‑year men did not take place in the company, but by the regiment under the supervision of the commander of the III Battalion, Major Troschke, whom I met in those days at the wedding of my friend Toni Schmid. He occasionally appeared on our drill ground behind the Protestant church. My individual march did not satisfy him, as I only later developed into a good marcher. 'Take your arse in!' was the first remark he shouted to me, softened by our social wedding acquaintanceship." His assessment of the one‑year men is interesting: "Frightening was the differing intellectual level of the one‑year men, who were to become reserve officers in peacetime and particularly in war convincing superiors. Many among them had only reached the certificate for the upper fifth class and were thus not sufficiently prepared for their task. I got to know only a few capable people among them ...."⁴.

The first practicable machine gun was designed by the American Hiram Maxim (1840–1916) and subsequently other models of this rapid‑fire weapon were developed. From 1889 shooting trials with the Maxim MG also took place in the German army, but were stopped after three years and only resumed in 1894. From 01.10.1901 the establishment of machine‑gun detachments began, but the machine guns were at first only assigned a supporting role. The shooting regulations of 29.05.1906 state: "The machine guns have the task of directly supporting the infantry's fire fight. Able to develop the strongest infantry firepower in the narrowest space, they give a considerable increase in force to attack as well as defense when deployed decisively and correctly at the decisive points" (paragraph 265 a). It is further noted to employ the machine guns "out of consideration for ammunition consumption ... only at effective firing distances and against worthwhile targets" (paragraph 338 a). A look at the further development of this category makes clear the underestimated importance of modern automatic weapons before 1914. At the outbreak of war the German army had 360 machine‑gun companies/detachments; by the end of 1915 there were already 450. In addition there were at that time 80 machine‑gun platoons with the cavalry. Machine guns were continually increased. In the autumn of 1916 it was ordered that each infantry battalion must now have 1 and each jaeger and storm battalion 2 machine‑gun companies. At the same time additional machine‑gun sharpshooter detachments (each of 3 companies) were formed. In 1918 there were a total of 2,300 machine‑gun companies (= 27,600 machine guns). Other sources put the number of machine guns at the end of the war at about 100,000. Above all, the machine gun, with its enormous repellent effect, forced the combatants to entrench and thus froze the front lines. The cavalry had to dismount and the automatic machine gun thereafter ruled the battlefield.

A contemporary (Gotthilf Fritz) reports on his training with the 7th Württemberg Infantry Regiment Kaiser Friedrich No. 125 (Stuttgart): "We teachers were trained together with the one‑year men. None of us teachers was able to live outside the barracks. We were the first teachers who had to serve 1 year, instead of previously only 10 weeks, then 6 weeks and 4 weeks. We were called barracks one‑year men. The same demands were made on us as on the one‑year volunteers. But we had to share all the disadvantages of the other recruits. A few years later many then served as one‑year volunteers. Raising the funds was not easy. We had no cords on the shoulder straps (in Württemberg these cords were black/white/red). From mid‑October 1900 the training service was very strenuous. I could not, like others, relax in the canteen behind a mug of beer. Unpleasant non‑commissioned officers, without talent and education, robbed one of much soldierly joy, but I was still glad to be a soldier and that kept me upright …."⁵.

Special emphasis was placed on shooting training with the jaegers and sharpshooters. School shooting took place on firing ranges, combat shooting individually and in formation on training grounds or in the field. Good shooting performances were rewarded with shooting prizes or special distinctions. Special merits in the training of jaegers and sharpshooters were achieved from 1894 by Lieutenant General Karl Johann Eduard von Müller (1841–1932). He had been inspector of the infantry schools until 1893⁶.

A special institution for advanced training was the Instruction Infantry Battalion in Potsdam. Prussian, Saxon and Württemberg infantry regiments sent men to this unit for special further training, as did the 1st and 2nd Sea Battalions, but not the jaeger battalions. The battalion assembled annually in October; the course lasted 1–1½ years. The annually held "Schrippenfest" was well known, a highlight in the military life of the garrison town of Potsdam. In the Instruction Infantry Battalion the uniforms of the home regiments continued to be worn, but no plume on the helmet; as a special distinction a red or yellow cord on the shoulder straps.

According to the above‑mentioned drill regulations for the infantry (p. 5), "the exercises prescribed in the gymnastics regulations ... are intended to promote suppleness, bodily control and a good posture before firmness and quickness in the execution of movements are demanded." Gymnastics instruction comprised free, rifle and equipment exercises (on apparatus) and applied gymnastics (in the field). "These exercises shall be a valuable aid for the military education and training of the soldier. By them deficiencies in the physical development of the man shall be eliminated or at least mitigated, strength and suppleness, bodily control and good posture, courage, self‑confidence and willingness to sacrifice shall be awakened and promoted"⁷. Younger officers with a special aptitude were detached to the Military Gymnastics Institute to return later as instructors to their units. Under their direction courses for non‑commissioned officers and lead gymnasts were then held annually. Especially in the winter months there was also gymnastics and fencing instruction for lieutenants and senior lieutenants on official leave. The respective company commander etc. was responsible for gymnastics activities in his area of command. The men were divided into two gymnastics classes according to their performance. Competitions and games were intended to foster the soldiers' ambition.

In bayonet fighting a distinction was made between school fighting and counter‑fighting. For safety reasons soldiers wore special protective clothing; bayonet points were padded or fitted with impact disks. Gymnastics exercises were intended to make the soldier "decisive and eager to attack." In summer part of the troops received swim training.

The cavalry retained the three‑year service time in 1893, but the men remained only three years in the Landwehr of the 1st levy⁸. Cavalrymen were trained in riding and drill, with foot training reduced. Training also included shooting exercises, but with significantly less time devoted to them compared to infantry practice. Non‑commissioned officers also learned revolver shooting.

In the first year of service the gaits were to be learned, whereby the rider also had to be able to use his weapons while mounted. Riding skills were then further developed and training progressed from individual instruction to riding in closed formation (riding in place, movements as a unit and charges). On this the Cavalry Drill Regulations of 03.04.1909 stated: "Drill training on horseback is carried out principally in the squadron; it is continued in the regiment and reaches its completion in the brigade. But here, as in the regiment, the performance of the larger formation rests on the firm structure of the squadron"⁹.

The careful individual training of man and horse was regarded as the basis of overall training. In the course of individual training particular emphasis was placed on the "fixing of the pace in walk, trot and gallop, training in the easy trot, in the extended gallop and in full gallop, agile riding in terrain and overcoming obstacles of all kinds, quickly taking up and keeping a given marching direction, sure and skillful handling of the lance against various targets and rapid mounting and dismounting"¹⁰. Already in the summer of 1888 some Prussian cavalry regiments received the lance, at first only the cuirassiers, then officially from 02.06.1889 all cavalry regiments. Previously it had only been carried by the uhlans and by the Landwehr cavalry (until 1852). Initially made of raw wood, it was later blackened. It had an iron tip and when not in use was placed in a shoe on the stirrup. Experienced cavalrymen also rode the remounts. Training furthermore included mock fighting with the lance, as well as gymnastic exercises also on horseback. Overall, "the cavalry should always seek to solve its tasks offensively"¹¹.

In addition to the usual training of the cavalryman in riding and drill, individually and in formation, there were also special trainings, e.g. detachments of non-commissioned officers and kapitular recruits to the cavalry NCO school and to the shooting and telegraph school, or of officers to the military riding institute, the gymnastics facility, the shooting and telegraph school and to the War Academy.

The Military Riding Institute with officer riding school and cavalry NCO school belonged to the X Army Corps and was located in Hanover and Soltau. The development of the Military Riding Institute dates back to 1816. On 10.12.1816 the Military Riding Institute for officers, non-commissioned officers and men of the cavalry (later also of the field artillery) was founded. Briefly dissolved in 1849, it was re-established that same year; the separation between the officer riding school and the cavalry NCO school took place in 1872. The locations of the institution were Berlin from 1816–1849, Schwedt a. O. from 1849–1866 and from 1866 Hanover/Soltau.

In the field artillery, in addition to operating the gun, training in riding and driving was also required. Riding training resembled the practice in the cavalry. The drivers had to be able to control a horse team—six-in-hand—pulling a gun at all gaits and over all terrain conditions; they had to be able to turn the team for posting and unposting and to overcome obstacles.

In the driving batteries the gun crews sat on the gun, while in the mounted batteries the crews followed the guns on horseback. The drill regulations of the foot artillery stated that, together with the field artillery, it should pave the way to victory for the infantry. Therefore main emphasis should be placed on good shooting. Prerequisites for this were mastery of the gun, mobility of the unit and tactical understanding of the commanders. Target practice and training shoots were prerequisites for good shooting; in addition, fire control and the transmission of messages had to be trained for both the field and foot artillery. The field artillery could change training grounds more frequently, as it was inevitably more mobile than the foot artillery. The gunners of the foot artillery were trained on the rifle, in gun operation and also in the construction of battery positions. The foot artillery had more types of guns than the field artillery. There was no riding training, although—as with the infantry—gymnastics were practiced.

A member recounts his daily service with the 1st Posen Field Artillery Regiment No. 20 (Posen) as follows: "On 10 October (1908) I enlisted as a two-year volunteer with the 3rd Battery of Field Artillery Regiment No. 20 in Posen. The battery commander, Captain v. Ohnesorge, and the 'mother' of the battery, Sergeant Wanke, were strict superiors. In the first days I still noticed nothing of the hard soldier's life, but when full service began it very quickly came to my attention that a hard time lay ahead of me. The I. Battalion, to which our battery also belonged, was still in the old, gray barracks. Our toilet, an old stone box, was located in the barracks yard; washing rooms did not exist, everyone had a washbowl (a barracks built later on the other side of the street opposite us was much better). After getting dressed service began. The gunners were trained on the gun, the drivers in foot service and in riding. At 6 o'clock the trumpeter sounded the signal 'Reveille'! Often, however, the stable guard pulled us out of bed a quarter of an hour earlier; our beds consisted of straw sacks, sheets and a blue-white covered blanket. Woe to him who did not get up immediately—he could make the acquaintance of the riding crop. Among the old drivers were people who took pleasure in tyrannizing the recruits."

The recruit drivers then went at a trot to the stable. The horses were brushed, manes and tails combed out, hooves cleaned, the stall cleaned out and bedded with fresh straw, the horses fed and the stall aisle swept. Each had to brush down so many 'strokes' on his two horses, which were to be neatly marked on the stall aisle in front of each stall. Meanwhile the gunners swept the rooms, cleaned the long corridor that ran along the rooms of the battery infirmary, carried the large wooden vessels downstairs that had been placed overnight in the corridor for 'small needs', cleaned the latrine in the yard, refilled the rooms’ water cans in the yard and fetched coffee from the kitchen for the room occupants.

At 7 o'clock the drivers came up from the stable (we were on the 3rd floor of the barracks). We cleaned up quickly, because we had no washroom, using the washbowls, and then drank our 'little flower' coffee. At quarter to 8 we assembled for duty on the barracks yard. Depending on the duty roster, target practice on the gun followed for the gunners and riding for the drivers, or foot service together for the gunners. At 11 o'clock the morning duty was over. The gunners went to their rooms and the drivers to feed the horses in the stable. Around noon there was lunch, e.g. boiled rice or thick noodle soup or lentils with sausage, peas with potatoes and many other things in rotation, something different each day. At 12:45 there was roll call with some clothing or equipment item. Items that were not quite right or clean usually earned an hour of additional drill. Afterwards duty on the barracks yard continued until 5 p.m. Then followed an hour of instruction, the issuing of orders and the cleaning and mending hour. Each day’s duty ended with the room being swept by the room duty. Then finally quiet fell. After the tattoo was sounded at 10 p.m. all the recruits soon lay in deep slumber.

As a gunner I owned: 1 pair of boots ("Knobelbecher"), 1 pair of lace-up shoes, tunic, trousers, fatigue uniform (jacket and trousers), shirt, underpants, helmet, bayonet, belt, neckstock and coat (the drivers had leather-trimmed riding trousers, riding boots, spurs, bandolier with cartridge box, driver's belt and long saber). The tunic had 6 brass buttons in front, one on each shoulder and 2 brass hooks on the back on which the belt lay. The buttons had to be polished bright with the button fork. Added to this were the brass hilt of the bayonet and the helmet with brass fittings and the scale chain. No one was allowed to dare to appear for duty with unpolished buttons or the like! "Knobelbecher", riding boots, lace-up shoes and the leather trim of the riding trousers also had to be polished to a mirror shine daily, as did the spurs, bridles, etc. No sole nail was allowed to be missing from the footwear.

In winter we were glad when after duty in the open air we could go to our room heated by a prehistoric stove. As recruits we were not allowed to go out alone until shortly before Christmas; we were not yet fully valid soldiers. Therefore each gunner (non-commissioned officer) took his little group out on Sundays somewhere where there was something to see. That was always an experience and a diversion for us. A mug of beer cost 10 pfennigs and a pack of cigarettes (10 pieces) also 10 pfennigs. Still, we had to be frugal with our money, since we received only a meager wage of 9 marks a month. With this 'royal' pay we couldn't even get ourselves a girlfriend..."¹².

In 1897 the 7.7 cm field gun was introduced; this was the response to the modernization of French gun materiel. The field gun 96 had a higher rate of fire and devices that dampened the recoil. The cartridges had metal cases. Deployment was in batteries of 6 guns each. The number of ammunition wagons per battery was reduced (previously 9, now 6), but ammunition columns were introduced for each regiment—from 1909 for each field artillery division. The mounted batteries (in the cavalry divisions) were also equipped accordingly. In 1899 10.5 cm field howitzers were introduced to combat concealed targets. From 1905 the field guns received protective shields to protect the crews, and the recoil systems were improved. The guns were now painted gray (previously blue). Observation wagons to improve firing performance were introduced from 1909; the observer stood on a tall ladder and was protected by an armor shield. A field telescope on a folding stand was available next to the ladder. The above-mentioned field howitzers also received a recoil system. The new firing regulations for the field artillery were developed primarily under the aegis of Major General Adolf Louis Theodor Richard von Schubert (1850–1933). He was, from 12.09.1896, commander of Field Artillery Regiment No. 30, from 15.06.1899 commander of the 16th and from 01.10.1899 commander of the 33rd Field Artillery Brigade. In 1907 he became Inspector of the Field Artillery and General of the Artillery¹³.

Pioneers were specialist troops who were employed early on in fortress warfare and in military bridge construction. They were also responsible for building river crossings—for example pontoon or makeshift bridges—or for destroying them, or for bringing towns or terrain sections into a defensible condition, or for removing obstacles on the march route or making roads. In the field they had to construct trenches and shelters for the infantry and create cover for the field artillery. During sieges they had to carry out the necessary earthworks—e.g. to construct approach trenches. Therefore the focus of pioneer training was technical; their purely military training corresponded to that of the infantry.

The railway troop units belonged to the transport troops and were responsible for mobility and supply in the forthcoming war. Their training and service resembled that of the pioneers up to and including the construction of river and valley crossings. Main areas included the construction and operation of field and, in part, feeder railways, conversion of lines with non-standard gauges to standard gauge and vice versa, construction of military bridges for all types of railways with prepared or unprepared material, restoration (or destruction) of railways (demolition engineering) and the establishment of field railway stations with all associated field installations (signal installations, water and coal facilities, etc.)¹⁴. The roughly 70 km military railway from Berlin via Zossen to Jüterbog served training in operations, track maintenance and workshop service. "But not only on their training grounds did the railway troops show their skill. In almost all regions of Germany railway companies and commands laid the superstructure on the construction of main lines of many hundreds of kilometers; for bypass lines in new constructions large bridges were built, such as over the Lahn, the Spree, the Elbe or the Oder, which proved themselves in operation for months. In 1900 in China, in 1905 in South West Africa, the units sent there accomplished particularly remarkable technical achievements, having to overcome the most difficult obstacles"¹⁵.

Members of the train served in wartime as drivers and team leaders for the various columns, staffs and trains. For this reason training concentrated on riding and driving; in particular driving (also in formation) with four- and later with six-horse teams had to be learned. All men had to learn to drive a two-horse team from the driver's box. The remainder of training in foot drill and weapon exercises with the carbine took place only to a limited extent. The train also included the hitching detachments of the heavy artillery and the telegraph detachments. On 01.10.1904 the latter, however, were transferred to the corresponding telegraph battalions.

From 30.03.1877 there was in Prussia an Inspection of Military Telegraphy, which was abolished on 01.10.1889 and replaced by an Inspection of the Telegraph Troops. From 01.10.1913 there were three inspections of the telegraph troops under an Inspection of Field Telegraphy. On 25.03.1899 the formation of a total of 3 telegraph battalions was initially ordered (Berlin, Frankfurt/Oder, Koblenz); previously telegraph detachments had existed in the 4th companies of the pioneer battalions. A corresponding school institution was called, from 01.10.1899, the Cavalry Telegraph School (Berlin); later it was expanded to become the War Telegraph School with a radio operator school (Ruhleben-Spandau). Non-commissioned officers and men of the pioneer battalions were also detached to it. Bavaria formed its telegraph troops from 1888 (2 battalions) and Saxony from 1911/12 (Battalion No. 7). Already from 1899, however, Saxon and Württemberg contingents belonged to the above-mentioned battalions. The battalion established on 29.06.1912, No. 5 (Klausdorf-Sperenberg), also included Württemberg companies. The telegraph troops' task was above all the construction and operation of telegraph lines; otherwise their training resembled that of the pioneers. At the end of the second year of service the men had to pass an examination as field telegraphists.

At the beginning of the 20th century the Imperial Army was dependent on the horse despite railways and the beginnings of motorization; this was even true of the Wehrmacht in World War II. In Prussia there were 19 remount depots. In 1913 they held over 11,000 remounts = young military horses. Bavaria had 4 remount depots (in total 2,400 remounts; these had 6,266 ha). The Bavarian remount commission was based in Munich. There were also depots in Saxony (1,650 remounts) and Württemberg (252 remounts). Remounts were purchased by remount commissions mainly in East Prussia, Hanover, Mecklenburg, etc. Remounts were bought by so-called remount purchase commissions at the age of 3–4 years and initially kept in the remount depots. At 4–5 years old the remounts were issued to the respective units or picked up from the remount depots by detachments of the same. For cavalry horses a service life of 10 years was assumed (somewhat less for the field artillery and machine gun detachments). After this time the horses were retired and sold publicly. On the army's rolls in 1913 there were 157,816 service horses (Prussia: 123,487, Bavaria: 16,918, Saxony: 12,116, Württemberg: 525), of which alone 80,248 were with the cavalry and 57,339 with the field artillery (the infantry had only 4,821 service horses). In addition were the officers’ own horses, etc. The mobilized field army in 1914 included a total of 726,670 horses. For comparison, the full strength of the entire army of the North German Confederation (including Saxony and Hesse) counted 73,307 horses in 1868.

In the garrisons the horses were housed in stables, each horse having its own stall. Tack and harness were also stored here. Stable duty consumed a great deal of time in daily service. The horses had to be watered, fed, groomed, and the stalls cleaned. The respective stable guard was responsible for stable duty. On Sundays the horses also had a rest day. Feed consisted mainly of oats, hay and straw. The feed was provided to the troops by the provisioning offices or delivered by contractors. On the march—against payment—natural supplies could be requisitioned from localities in the countryside. Feed was provided free of charge for service horses. For officers' horses only insofar as they were entitled to rations according to the provisioning tables. There were graduated ration rates depending on the demand placed on the horses. On the march and during exercises there were larger rations.

The shoeing of the horses' hooves was carried out by the regiment's farriers, usually in their own forges in the garrison. On the march village smiths, etc. were used. In the field there were special field forges. Shoeing was learned in special instructional forges. In 1914 there were 8 military instructional forges. The Prussian instructional forges were in Berlin, Breslau, Frankfurt a. M., Hanover, Karlsruhe and Königsberg/ East Prussia; the Saxon instructional forge was in Dresden. Corresponding courses took place there.

The daily routine of service varied considerably between the different branches; alongside cleaning of the barracks premises, drill, gymnastics, shooting, roll call and stable duty, the so-called mending and polishing hour was nonetheless an integral part of the daily routine.

In the popular work on 'The Old Army' by H. C. v. Zobeltitz this is vividly described as follows: "It was now 6 o'clock in the afternoon. Again a signal sounded in the corridor: 'Cleaning hour.' Müller V took from his locker the three cigar boxes which bore inscriptions on the side: sewing box, cleaning box, wax box. He placed the three boxes on the table in front of him, sat on the stool and now the 'polishing' could begin. The tin lid of the tin in which the polish 'Amor' was contained was removed and filled with spirit—being a very 'wet recruit' Müller V had had to fetch Nordhäuser from the canteen for polishing, who, however, strangely enough, hid behind the folds of the 'old bones'—the tin lid was now the cooker over whose flame wax was made thick and applied and rubbed into the black leather belt with a champagne cork—this came from a mess orderly with whom Müller V had thus made friends. Müller V wore black leather gear as a 'fusilier'. The regiment's two grenadier battalions wore white and looked contemptuously down at the 'patent leather'. When the belt shone nicely, it was held over the flame, burned off and then 'polished' again. This was still considered a simple art. More difficult was the treatment of the cartridge pouches. The right index finger was put into a small flannel cloth and then Müller V made little circles with his finger all round on the cartridge pouch, the faster and the longer, the better the shine. After a quarter of an hour, which was needed for this work for each of the two pouches, Müller wiped the shiny leather pouch with the polishing rag—and now it was time for the coat and auxiliary carrying straps of the knapsack, which were blackened with 'leather dressing', but the brass buttons on these straps must by no means receive any of it and if a splatter had settled on them they were carefully washed off with spirit. Now it was the helmet's turn. The grenadier eagle was unscrewed and cleaned with chalk and a wire brush. After it was laboriously screwed back on, which was not so easy as the stiff fingers were ill-suited to the small screw key, the helmet spike had to be cleaned. Müller V clamped the helmet between his body and the tabletop so that the spike poked into the wood and the lower part of the leather pressed against his belly. After 'Amor' had been cautiously applied with the polishing rag, the rag was laid over the spike and the brim, grasped with both hands at the lower end and lovingly drawn up and down. The difficulty of this procedure was that by heaven's sake the helmet spike must not be bent. Now the scale chains. The musketeers with their throat straps were better off; they did not have to deal with those stubborn scales which bent every time when polished and were then so difficult to straighten again. 'Red, strap to the right,' Fusilier Müller V muttered softly to himself so as not to make a mistake when reassembling the helmet, for the black-white-red national cockade had to be worn on the right side just as the scale chain to which the strap was attached. The buttons of the tunic were soon threaded on the button fork and polished bright with 'Amor'—but now came the worst, the braid that Müller V wore on his collar. They were not guard braids, only grenadier braids, but just as difficult to treat. With a 'braid brush' and soap foam they were first washed, now the universal towel came into play with which they were dried, so that nothing from the white substance—called braid paint—which was carefully applied with the braid brush, would run onto the collar. When this work was finally accomplished, it was time to sew the 'rags.' Patch after patch sat on the sixth pair of trousers whose seams had once again come undone during today's drill. A right triangle was torn at the knee and the hem at the trouser leg had worn through—and this and that and no end. Hans sewed as well as he had learned from the 'old bones', sewing with a lead thimble the size of a small liqueur glass and soldier's thread size 1. But the thimble didn't work so well, so Hans preferred to use the tabletop to push the needle through the stubborn cloth. Now and then he pricked himself, then he 'sucked' the blood from his finger so as not to stain the trim. Müller V looked at his watch. The cleaning hour had to be over soon and the boots were not yet cleaned, neither his nor those of comrade Jonas, whom he had promised this morning he would do. 'Cleaning hour over! Fall in for orders!"¹⁶.

Further fixed components of the daily service were also guard and sentry duties. There were ceremonial and security guards/posts. Guards were intended to maintain general security, while at the same time the general guard service was trained. The general guard service in the garrisons was primarily the responsibility of the infantry; the mounted troops mainly provided the guard commands in front of their own barracks. Ceremonial guards were assigned to princely persons, etc. The guard commands had special powers, were superiors of the non-commissioned officers and enlisted men (not of the officers) and performed police duties.

Parades and inspections were an expression of the emperor’s right of inspection and represented highlights in military daily life. In this sense, parade meant mustering or review.

Within the framework of the parade one distinguished formation and marching past; both were occasions and opportunities at the same time to measure the discipline and training level of the units involved.

Since the beginning of the 1890s, as the combat ranges of the infantry extended to over 2000 m, it became necessary to move from the conventional drill grounds to proper training grounds. These were then purchased for the respective army corps. Regimental and brigade drill exercises and warlike shooting exercises of the infantry and field artillery were held here. Cavalry also completed a number of exercises here. Training and firing ranges were located in Döberitz, Arys, Jüterbog, Alten-Grabow, Posen, Lamsdorf, Senne, Wesel, Elsenborn, Lockstedt, Munster, Hagenau, Gruppe and Hammerstein, Darmstadt, Wahn, Thorn, Lechfeld, Hammelburg, Zeithain, Münsingen. For the larger troop exercises one distinguished regimental and brigade exercises, larger cavalry exercises and special exercises or maneuvers.

Each year the army corps were designated that were to hold larger troop exercises (= imperial maneuvers) before the emperor. In the annual exercises the training areas were to be changed, also in order to minimize the burden on the population. During the larger troop exercises guard duty in the garrisons was reduced to a minimum; those on leave were recalled to increase the deployable strength. The recalled men were first brought back to their original level of training through individual instruction.

The larger troop exercises usually lasted 10 days. There were maneuvers of two parties or against a marked enemy in the formation of the division or the army corps. Referees ensured warlike conditions lacking in peacetime to prevent an overly rapid — unrealistic — course of the exercises. On this point, however, a contemporary wrote: “In the course of these imperial maneuvers one noticed a depressed mood among the perceptive general staff officers and many older officers. Instead of placing the leaders before important decisions that arose from warlike situations, it was merely a greater or lesser dependency on the Imperial Headquarters. ‘It must not be allowed to go too far.’ ‘Pictures must be shown.’ ‘Mass attacks are preferred.’ ‘There must be a fight here, because only here can the cavalry attack.’ Those were more or less the guiding considerations. And now the execution! Real reconnaissance by the cavalry hardly came into evidence. No consideration was given to artillery effect. Nor was an infantry attack hardly prepared. Shooting was also held in low regard. The leaders were in front of the rifle lines, the columns almost in the rifle lines, the cavalry attacked when it was certainly utterly impossible; in short, one could occasionally see how not to do it. Very rarely the opposite. And then the concentration of these masses, the costs! No, it was depressing, and for me, as I was often near the foreign officers, also embarrassing. One arrives at this in peacetime with the command: ‘At order, Your Majesty.’ And how will it be in war?”¹⁷.

Nevertheless, the large autumn exercises also brought insights, as the commanding general Hermann August von Grolmann (1829 - 1893) apparently revealed to his subordinates after such a maneuver with the three divisions of his corps: "Today I learned something: one cannot lead from the rear! I thank you, gentlemen!"¹⁸.

The field service regulations of 22.03.1908 emphasized that “the officer is the educator and leader in all fields. This requires from him both superiority in knowledge and experience, as well as moral seriousness and strength of character. Without fear of responsibility every officer should employ his whole personality in all situations — even the most extraordinary. Superiors must encourage and promote this deployment of personality” (p. 9). A special role in this context was assigned to the regimental commander. Particular attention was paid at higher levels to his conduct and influence on the respective officer corps, for example it says about the regimental commander of IR 60, Colonel Philip Wilhelm Friedrich von Dorndorf in an assessment by the commanding general of the XV Army Corps dated 01.01.1879: "With him a new era began for the regiment, the good fruits of which are already visibly emerging in the latter, and in the harmony in the officer corps that had been lost under his predecessor, in the joyful spirit that is generally displayed within the circle of the same, and in the very noticeable endeavor to make good everything by which some had damaged the good reputation of the whole. The colonel has a warm heart and a caring disposition for his subordinates, knows how to influence them spiritually as well, stimulating and instructive, and shows them in his person the example of a noble man and character. Very attentive and successfully active regarding the difficult officer replacement in Alsace, in him and his household the officer corps found a worthy center of its comradeship and social relations"¹⁹.

In the officer corps there still prevailed a value system guided by tradition, so the concept of honor continued to play a major role. To prevent the negative consequences of an overvaluation of the concept of honor, so-called honor courts were instituted in the various troop units. Corresponding provisions were contained in the Highest Ordinance on Honor Courts for Officers in the Prussian Army of 02.05.1874 and supplementary regulations. The official purpose of the honor courts for officers was “to preserve the common honor of the association as well as the honor of the individual. They shall intervene against those whose behavior does not correspond to a proper sense of honor or to the relations of the officer class, and remove unworthy members from it, on the other hand they shall cleanse officers from unfounded suspicions of their honorability insofar as other class-appropriate means are not available” (§ 2)²⁰. The honor courts or the honorary councils to be formed at the respective honor court were to investigate disgraceful matters within their jurisdiction, assess them and vote on a corresponding decision. The judgment of the honor court was drawn up in the form of a finding and was subject to the “Highest Decision.” This procedure was intended to avoid duels, yet such sometimes deadly confrontations still occurred repeatedly. An important unifying element in the officer corps were the officers’ messes or casinos common since the mid-19th century. The heightened closing-off of the officer corps in general and of the nobility in particular regiments, increasingly observable under Kaiser Wilhelm II, carried the danger of “caste-like isolation” (Demeter). At the same time a certain tendency to luxury and incurring debts could be observed. Wilhelm II also opposed this excessive material expenditure on life after his accession to the throne and criticized in an ordre of 05.07.1888 “fashionable excesses in the dress of officers”, which, however, appears in a peculiar light given the ruler’s particular affinity for uniform and disguise.

Officers (civil servants, ordnance staff, stable masters, etc.) received for service income salary, servis or housing allowance and allowances due to special positions or commands. The annual income of officers ranged from 1,188 Marks (lieutenant) to 12,000 Marks (commanding general). Servis and housing allowances varied between 288 – 540 Marks (servis) and 216 – 420 Marks (housing allowance) up to 1,188 – 2,520 Marks servis or provision of a service apartment.

Im Detail stellte sich die Gehaltsliste (1909) wie folgt dar:

With regard to the income situation of the officers, the (required) private allowances were seen as a problem. The emperor also commented on this: “I must disapprove if entry into the officer corps is made dependent on an excessively high private allowance, which must keep the sons of less wealthy, but in attitude and way of life close to the officer corps, families away from the army.”²¹ This issue had already been raised in a memorandum by the Prussian Minister of War v. Kameke “on luxury in the army and the dangers associated with it” of 26.02.1876. An overview dated late 1908 of the monthly private allowances of officer cadets and officers (in Prussia) shows that, for example, in the Guard the following average rates were paid:

Private allowances were also common in the line regiments, although the rates there were lower²². Obviously, an economic existence as an officer was at least in the subordinate ranks not possible without private allowances. Salary and living costs were therefore no longer in a balanced proportion. Special financial burdens for the officer arose above all from the costs of clothing and equipment as well as the purchase and upkeep of one or more horses. At the same time, however, the requirement of private allowances of a certain amount also meant the possibility for the officer corps — overall and with regard to a particular troop unit — to shut itself off from undesirable replacements and to maintain a certain exclusivity. A contemporary writes in retrospect about the lifestyle of the officers: “In the last two decades we have taken action against the luxury of the officers in particular. Despite all speeches, admonitions and cabinet orders, it has only become more luxurious. It is known that about one and a half decades ago the order was issued and countersigned by General Hahnke that officers should not receive allowances above a certain amount, for example the Guard cavalry officers not above 120 Marks per month. I would like to meet the Guard cavalry officer who is able to exist on an allowance under 400 Marks. The average allowance, however, is 600 Marks …”²³.

The non-commissioned officers and enlisted men received pay, bread or bread money, troop rations or subsistence pay as well as clothing and accommodation. Privates received 6.60 Marks monthly, the lance corporal 8.10 Marks. Soldiers who voluntarily extended their service received allowances. For men of humble origin military service was quite attractive; if they were resourceful they could even improve their material situation. The Bavarian infantryman Nikolaus Osterroth recounts: “An acquaintance of mine, who joined our company as a one-year volunteer, had bad luck with his cleaner, and since I had enough time I offered to maintain his things. The recruit gladly agreed and promised me three Marks for the decade (ten days). The next day his comrade, the second recruit, besieged me to polish for him as well. God, why not? I thought; you have so much time, and the stupid fellows with their new, shiny things have so little to polish that you could easily make half a dozen recruits shine. By thunder, I was swimming in money now! Six Marks polishing money and two Marks pay, that was almost a sergeant’s salary, and in addition enough cigars and beer from my charges — I could expect nothing more from divine providence. Father Hanarem (his father) opened his eyes wide when I sent home a postal order for six Marks after ten days. What should I do with the money? Meanwhile I had found other means and ways to pay the stomach question. My bunkmate became a butcher in the kitchen and provided me with more meat and sugar in the locker than I could consume. Moreover, my innate entertainment talent prompted me to perform my jokes and the snatches and couplets rehearsed in the Catholic youths’ club in the tavern, and then the landlord treated me to my fill so that I would stay. If I stayed, the others stayed too. And when I left and paid with a twenty-pfennig piece, I received, besides a handful of cigars, one Mark change, so that I would soon come back and drag half the battalion along. A young, hollow-bellied man understands such things, and it did not take long until I was provided on Sundays and weekday evenings. I could even save up the pay for a reservist uniform, which I bought at a second-hand dealer for 20 Marks”²⁴.

Non-commissioned officers received 21.60 Marks monthly, ensigns 23.10 Marks, sergeants 32.10 Marks, deputy sergeants major 41.10 Marks and sergeants major 56.10 Marks. In mounted units the rates were somewhat higher. In addition, NCOs received a signing-on bonus after re-enlistment at the end of the first engagement period and, after completing 12 years of service and leaving the service, a premium of 1,000 Marks. The amount of the subsistence pay depended on the conditions in the respective garrison. The pay rates of members of the colonial troops were considerably higher. Against the background of rising living costs, however, the income situation of the NCOs was to be assessed as moderate; repeated increases had to be made. In 1873 the pay rates were increased and advantages in barrack accommodation were granted. Replacement of the NCOs remained particularly difficult where the military competed with the relatively high wages of industry. Of interest, however, were the regulations on the provision for military personnel and their survivors. The Military Pensions Act of 27.06.1871 regulated the conditions for granting pensions to officers, military and naval doctors, engineers (of the soldier rank), deck officers and other military personnel from sergeant major downward. For the latter there were alternatively pensions, pension allowances, civil service certificates or compensation, admission to an invalids’ home or assignment to garrison service. However, a claim to invalidity provision for NCOs or privates only existed after at least 8 years of service. From a service time of 12 years, invalidity was no longer a prerequisite. After 12 years of service NCOs were entitled to a civil service certificate. They were then employed in positions reserved for military candidates in the imperial/state or municipal service, but had to apply properly for such a post. Good conduct was a prerequisite for obtaining a civil service certificate. The pensions or pension allowances for sergeants major were divided into various grades and amounted to 9 to 33 Marks for the NCOs and 6 to 30 Marks for the privates. For widows and orphans a (small) provision was foreseen in peace and war. The widow’s pension amounted to 216 Marks annually. In principle, peacetime provision was only paid after 10 years of service. Since the 18th century the large military orphanage had been located in Potsdam. The survivors of military officials were provided for similarly to those of officers.

After the founding of the Reich (1871) an attempt was made to comprehensively control and modernize the accommodation of the troops. A so-called barrack plan was submitted to the Reichstag in 1877 and subsequently controversially discussed. Although not formally adopted, this fundamental planning influenced the further barracking of the troops of the Imperial Army.

By 1896 already 89.7% of the Prussian troops were barracked; the formerly common quartering of soldiers with civilians had by that time become a thing of the past. In each room the room leader was responsible for order, etc. Clothing and equipment items were stored in the respective locker; money and valuables the soldier should carry on his person or hand over to the company, squadron or battery. During the day no one was allowed to lie on the bedding place without special permission. Upon the entry of an officer, everyone had to step up to his locker; the room leader reported. Civilians were not allowed to stay in the barracks without a permit card. In summer lights were to be extinguished after 10:30 p.m., and in winter after 9:30 p.m.

Non-commissioned officers and enlisted men were generally accommodated in barracks; officers received servis and housing allowances, since they usually lodged elsewhere and only in special cases were assigned a service apartment in the barracks area, such as unmarried lieutenants or sergeants major or sergeants. Barracks as buildings or building complexes for the accommodation of troops and staffs appeared in Prussia already in the first half of the 18th century, though only in larger garrison towns. Predominantly soldiers at that time were housed in civilian quarters. In the second half of the 19th century the decentralized accommodation of regiments and battalions in separate buildings of various purposes became established: accommodation, stables, utility rooms, kitchens, dining halls, workshops, infirmaries, etc. In the barracks there were, besides the enlisted men's rooms, apartments for unmarried lieutenants, NCOs (partly with families). The enlisted men's rooms were designed for 10 – 12 soldiers, with a basic area of 4.5 sqm per head. Younger NCOs could also be accommodated together with the enlisted men. Furthermore, the barracks contained apartments for barracks inspectors, caretakers, gunsmiths, armourers as well as kitchens, dining halls, canteens, infirmaries, offices, workshops, classrooms, guard rooms, cellar and drying rooms, bathing facilities, etc.

Each soldier had an iron bedstead as a sleeping place with a straw sack, head pillow and woollen blankets including the required bedding. Furthermore he had a locker, a washbasin, a mess bowl, one towel and a stool. Other utensils such as tables, washstands, lamps etc. were used jointly. NCOs received mattresses stuffed with horsehair. The cleaning of the rooms was carried out by the soldiers themselves; a room leader, usually an NCO or lance corporal, supervised this. A barrack order had to be observed. In winter the rooms were heated by stoves. The equipment of the barracks and their maintenance were carried out by the respective garrison administration. In each room the room leader was responsible for order, etc.; the rooms were cleaned by the soldiers themselves. Civilians were not allowed to remain in the barracks without special permission.

Non-commissioned officers and enlisted men were fed free of charge; officers and military officials had to pay a contribution (table fees for breakfast and lunch). There were officers’ messes (casinos) attached to the individual units. These were also the venues for the social life of the officers (bowling, festivities, e.g. on the emperor’s birthday, anniversaries, visits by high-ranking persons, farewell dinners, but also the Christmas giving, etc.). So-called charity meals were usually held monthly. These were intended to maintain contacts between the members of the respective officer corps, both active and reserve officers. Strict table rules applied. The regimental library, more or less well stocked, was also housed in the casino. The rations for NCOs and enlisted men were prescribed. Preparation took place in troop kitchens. These were run by a commission of officers and enlisted men. NCOs and privates ate separately in dining halls. Canteens also offered the opportunity to purchase foodstuffs, drinks, tobacco, etc. inexpensively. In the field service, i.e. on the march, in maneuvers, etc., the troops were supplied from maneuver magazines. Food was prepared in the bivouac itself. In part, provisions from cans were already planned. Since 1908 (A.K.O) the troops had been equipped with field kitchens, so the tedious boiling off was eliminated and marching performance could increase. The field kitchen was invented by the manufacturer Otto Magirus/ Ulm. It was a self-boiler in a glycerin bath.

After completion of the active 2–3 year service period the soldier transferred to the reserve. The last months had already been maneuver time. The reservists proudly presented themselves with a special reservist jug, - stick; color prints and photomontages were common and hung as mementos in almost every living room. The reserve obligation lasted until, together with the active years, a total of 7 years had been reached.

Reservists had to complete 2 exercises of a maximum of 8 weeks each and were controlled by the competent military authorities during the reserve period. For reservists who avoided the control assemblies, the reserve obligation could be extended.

Landwehr was originally a larger levy for the army, usually only for domestic deployment and not very war-ready. The Landwehr in the modern sense was created in Prussia with the introduction of universal conscription. It included all conscripts after completion of the active service (3 years) and reserve time (2 years).

The Landwehr, which was close to the bourgeoisie, was politically and militarily controversial in 19th-century Prussia and was reorganized in 1859/60. The Imperial Military Act of 1874 retained it (now 12 years, namely from the 28th to the 40th year of life).

From 1885 Landwehr inspections were formed at each division — initially of the I – II Army Corps. These were supervisory authorities over district commands.

The district commands administered the Landwehr levies of the respective Landwehr districts and were responsible for the salaried cadres of the Landwehr that existed even in peacetime. The Landwehr district commands were named after their towns. However, there could also be several district commands in one place. From 1886 (1907, 1912, 1913) Landwehr inspections were established. These were responsible in densely populated areas for the replacement system of several Landwehr districts. The personnel of the district commands consisted of trained people.

The officers of the district commands were supposed to be inactive or on leave officers and they were basically clothed and equipped like those of the line infantry. The number on the shoulder straps indicated (since 1888) the affiliation to the corresponding brigade. Insofar as the district commands were subordinate to a Landwehr inspection (= supervisory authority), they bore its initial letters in Gothic script on the shoulder straps, the officers in metal. Otherwise the district commands were subordinate to their brigade.

From 1888 the 1st levy (of the Landwehr) again belonged to the field troops (reserve troops), and active officers were now appointed to the company leader positions (district officers). Adjutants were (rarely) detached from the line.

In case of mobilization the Landwehr inspectors were to take over the reserve divisions. In 1913 there were 25 Landwehr inspections: 19 Prussian, 2 Saxon, 1 Württemberg, 3 Bavarian. They were named after their locations. In World War I the Landwehr was organized into regiments, brigades and divisions and a Landwehr corps and was used on many fronts, not only as occupation troops. In 1914 a total of 98 Landwehr infantry regiments were mobilized or formed. In the following years further Landwehr regiments were created. The (Saxon) regiment No. 100 was called Grenadier Landwehr Regiment.

Later — in World War I — the Landwehr was organized into regiments, brigades and divisions and a Landwehr corps and was deployed on many fronts, not only as garrison troops. In 1914 a total of 98 Landwehr infantry regiments were mobilized or formed. In the following years further Landwehr regiments were created. The (Saxon) Regiment No. 100 was called Grenadier-Landwehr-Regiment. The Landwehr formations wore the uniform of the regiment that raised them, however with their own regimental number (in red) on the shoulder straps. On the helmet eagle the Landwehr cross was worn, and on the helmet cover an L above the regimental number. Some formations had only enlisted litewkas or civilian tunics.

Older year-classes and conscripts of lesser physical fitness formed the Landsturm.

With the outbreak of World War I independent Landsturm battalions were formed. They were generally employed in the rear area and at home. In World War I Landsturm regiments were also established.

Reservists, like members of the Landwehr of the first and second call-up, members of the replacement reserve, as well as the men released to the disposition of the replacement authorities pending a decision on their later military status and the men furloughed to the disposition of the units before completing their active service obligation, belonged to the so-called furloughed status. Reporting obligations had to be observed for changes of residence, travel and stays abroad. Furthermore, control assemblies took place each spring (April) and in autumn (November).

Those liable for the Landsturm were not subject to military control in peacetime. In cases of extraordinary need those liable for the Landsturm or the sea defense could be called up to supplement the army and the navy. Their conscription usually took place by year-classes. The respective Landsturm certificate served as identification in dealings with all military and civil authorities.