The infantry and cavalry regiment, battalion, or the infantry company or the cavalry squadron.

When King Frederick I died in Berlin at midday on 25 February 1713, he left his successor a bankrupt state; only the battle-tested army could be regarded as a stable element. Maintaining a large standing army became the ultimate goal of the young kingdom; prerequisites for this were a capable economy and intact finances. King Frederick William I worked tirelessly toward this goal, since for the geographically fragmented Prussian state only an army financed from its own means was the guarantee of the preservation of power and relative foreign-policy independence. A key organizational building block of this army was the regiment. The regiment (derived from Latin regimentum = rule) with its emergence in the age of mercenary armies meant not only an organizational aggregation of a certain number of companies, but the term always encompassed more than merely a larger troop formation. Rather, the regiment already represented an independent legal community in the time of the Landsknechte, whose justice, administration and organization for the duration of an active contract = recruitment patent or capitulation were entrusted to the so-called field colonel¹. Thus the regiment also encompassed the breadth of the powers of the regiment holder. Remnants of this endured and persisted into the standing armies of the era of absolutist self-government. The budgetary development and internal structures of the regiment as the fundamental military unit in the old Prussian army shall — with regard to the conditions in the infantry and cavalry — be summarized here. But first a look at the numerical relation between infantry and cavalry over time.

According to a “Specification” of 24 July 1713 the old Prussian army comprised 255 infantry companies with 32,895 men and 60 cavalry companies and 45 dragoon companies with 8,748 men (each including non-commissioned officers and excluding musicians), i.e. the infantry and cavalry related to one another as 4 : ¹. In addition there were the garrison troops, the artillery and the cadet institutions. As part of the systematic strengthening of the army the infantry grew as follows: 21,746 (1713), 35,134 (1715), 48,967 (1731), 52,391 (1739), 84,150 (1746, including pioneers and field artillery, excluding jägers and garrison grenadiers), 84,284 (1755, as before), 111,730 (1786, again without foot jägers and light infantry, the latter not yet formed), 123,423 (1797, to which the 3rd musketeer battalions, the foot jäger regiment and the fusilier battalions with a total of 49,271 were added). Analogously to the infantry the cavalry was also increased: 7,737 (1713), 9,914 (1715), 15,876 (1731), 17,842 (1739), 31,049 (1746/55, without Bosniaks), 37,958 (1786, mounted field jägers: 176 and hussar commands: 26), 39,677 (1797, including Bosniaks and Tatar troop, mounted field jägers: 175 and hussar commands: 25). The ratio of infantry to cavalry therefore remained — as in 1713 — unchanged².

Infantry: King Frederick William I left to his son in infantry: the Life Grenadier Regiment or King’s Regiment (No. 6) with 3 battalions, 30 infantry regiments with 2 battalions each (except No. 3) and the battalions von Lilien and von Raders, which subsequently formed Infantry Regiment No. 32. Regiments No. 28, 29, 30 and 31 had arisen in the years 1723, 1728 and 1729 as so-called fusilier regiments and generally contained soldiers of smaller stature.

The general service regulations of 1726 already regulated the distribution of companies within the regiment as follows: “The companies shall be placed with the battalions so that not all the oldest fall to the first battalion, but the colonel or commander of the regiment his company shall be with the 2nd, the lieutenant colonel’s company with the 1st, and when there are 2 lieutenant colonels with the regiment, his company shall again be with the 2nd battalion; likewise the oldest major’s company with the 1st, and the 2nd major’s with the 2nd battalion. The remaining companies shall be apportioned to the battalions so that their numbers are mostly equal.” (Regulation of 1726, p. 6, identical wording: Regulation of 1743, p. 7). According to Seyfarth: “the companies stood continuously with one battalion since 1740. Therefore when one went as a staff officer to another battalion, he also received another company.... Now, however, everyone takes his company with him to the battalion to which he is assigned, without exchanging it”³. Before 1740 it appears — as in the 1760s — that company holders, when internally transferred from one battalion to another, kept their companies and thus the companies likewise changed battalions.

Bismarck reports on the organization of an old Prussian regiment: “Each chief of the regiment, both in the infantry and in the cavalry, always a general, was at the same time chief of a company or squadron, and these were called life companies or life squadrons. While these were commanded by other captains or captains of horse, the chiefs at the same time received the pay of those ranks” ⁴. Wachholz adds: “The staff officers, who likewise had companies (that of the general bore the name Life Company, took its place on the right wing of the regiment and was characterized by tall and handsome men) which were commanded by staff captains, received besides their captain’s pay only a staff allowance”⁵. This passage is to be understood such that the regiment was entitled to four staff allowances, one each for the colonel (66 thaler, 22 groschen), for the lieutenant colonel (27 th., 12 gr.) and for the two majors (each 18 th., 8 gr.). Regardless of rank these allowances went to the four highest officers in the regiment (including the regiment holder). Surplus majors could thus go empty-handed. In the regulations from 1726 to 1743 there is no separate pay for staff captains; they received the salary of a premier lieutenant (13 th., 18 gr.), but did receive an allowance from the actual company holder⁶. Originally there was only one staff captain per battalion; after 1763 they were gradually increased so that by 1806 each regiment had six.

Similar conditions applied to the fusilier battalions formed after 1786. These arose from three free regiments already ordered under Frederick the Great but not yet finally formed, from the so‑called standing grenadier battalions and from some garrison formations. In 1806 there were 24 fusilier battalions. These comprised 4 companies and here too the seniority of the respective company holders was of special importance: “The companies carried no numbers and always ranked according to the seniority of their chiefs.... The companies of the staff officers were commanded by staff captains”⁷.

For comparison with the conditions in the infantry and cavalry a look at the artillery is permitted. The detail-loving Mente knowledgeably describes the conditions in the artillery and at the same time shares valuable facts about the practice of company economy: “Each staff officer (the general-lieutenant and regimental chief not excepted) was then at the same time company chief, and this particularly because the company revenues, given the low pay of all ranks, had to provide the main income for these long-serving gentlemen (an artillery company at that time — understood in peacetime — brought its company chief an income of up to 4,000 thalers per year). If a company chief left by retirement or (which was the usual case) by death, his successor had to buy from the predecessor or his heirs the company and chamber stocks that belonged to the predecessor, for which up to 1,000 thalers were required. The sum required to acquire these company stocks could, insofar as the new company chief did not have the funds in cash, be taken up in effect as a mortgage. The commander of the company, whether staff captain or premier lieutenant, carried out and performed under the direction of the sergeant all internal service in the company, whereas the company chief managed the entire troop body and was less accessible to the rank-and-file”⁸.

The regiment existed in the old Prussian army as an organizational unit primarily for administrative reasons; the combat unit was the battalion. The ordre de bataille therefore always referred only to the battalions. The tactical organization of the battalion differed completely from the administrative structure, for tactically the battalion was divided into four divisions of two files (platoons) each. A battalion thus comprised tactically eight platoons (numbered 1–8 from the right wing). The conversion from 5 companies to 8 files before every drill etc. was a most cumbersome matter. Therefore already on 11 March 1741 an “Instruction for the infantry about their conduct in night attacks” ordered that in case of alarm each company was to be divided into only 2 files⁹.

Establishment: According to the regulation of 1714 (p. 3) the battalion comprised 5 companies, each company consisting of: 11 non-commissioned officers, 3 drummers, 12 grenadiers, 1 carpenter and 107 musketeers. One of the non-commissioned officers was always with the grenadiers. Each regiment was to have 6 pipers, wherefore the corresponding companies had one musketeer fewer. In 1726 (Regulation of 1726, pp. 3 ff.) an infantry regiment counted a total of 1,420 combatants, namely: 40 officers, 110 non-commissioned officers, 30 drummers, 1,080 musketeers, 130 grenadiers, 1 regimental quartermaster, 1 field preacher, 1 auditor, 1 regimental surgeon, 10 company surgeons, 1 regimental drummer, 6 hautbois, 6 pipers, 1 gunsmith (from 01.06.1722), 1 stockmaker (from 01.06.1722) and 1 provost. The king’s regiment (No. 6) garrisoned in Potsdam with 3 battalions counted in 1723 2,773 men (life battalion, 2nd and 3rd battalion and unranked). In 1739 the establishment of the 18 companies of the so-called “Potsdam Giant Guard” amounted to 2,773 men, plus 751 unranked¹⁰. The provisioning budget of No. 6 amounted monthly to 24,270 Reichstaler, 16 groschen; for a regular infantry regiment only 6,069 Reichstaler, 11 groschen, 6 pfennigs were budgeted per month¹¹.

According to the Regulation of 1743 (pp. 3 ff.) an infantry regiment numbered: 50 officers, 118 non-commissioned officers, 37 drummers, 252 grenadiers, 1,140 musketeers. In addition there was the lower staff, to which belonged: 1 regimental quartermaster, 1 field preacher, 1 auditor, 1 regimental surgeon, 12 company surgeons, 1 regimental drummer, 6 hautbois, 6 pipers, 1 gunsmith, 1 stockmaker and 1 provost. The battalion in 1743 comprised: 25 officers, 59 non-commissioned officers, 19 drummers, 3 pipers, 126 grenadiers, 570 musketeers. A musketeer company comprised 4 officers, 10 non-commissioned officers, 3 drummers, 114 musketeers, 1 surgeon.

Deviating from this were the establishment of the life company and the first, that is the oldest company of the II. Battalion. The life company, always attached to the I. Battalion, had the largest headcount in the regiment. The Regulation of 1743 determined: “The regimental drummer and the 6 hautbois stand by the life company, likewise the remaining lower staff of the regiment.” In the oldest company of the II. Battalion a “drummer at drill performed the regimental drummer’s duty, whereby at the first company of the battalion four drummers shall be stationed” (from 01.10.1735). In addition to the regimental drummer, the hautbois and the drummers, since 1714 the establishment of a regiment also included 6 pipers, who were distributed as follows: “Of those 6 pipers three stand with each battalion, namely two with the grenadier company and one with the oldest musketeer company...” (Regulation of 1743, p. 6). The two musketeer pipers were removed in 1749¹².

The grenadiers were to be chosen each from the 3rd rank, “they must be real fellows who can march well, not over 35 years old, look robust, that is not short-nosed, thin or narrow-faced” (Regulation of 1726, p. 8). The grenadiers formerly distributed among the individual companies were formed according to an ordre of 01.05.1735 into two companies, one per battalion¹³. For the holders of musketeer companies this meant a hardship: “it is a hard blow for the musketeer captains, but they must bite the sour apple and complete the 99 men, without it costing the grenadier captains anything”¹⁴. Frederick William I commented on the requirements for the grenadiers in his peculiar writing style to Leopold of Anhalt‑Dessau: “... should be well made, sturdy old soldiers and the grenadiers the oberst should keep complete according to the norm I set for healthy people but (who) do not become taller”¹⁵. Regarding the composition of the grenadier companies a royal ordre of 07.08.1739 to Infantry Regiment No. 11 adds: “You shall take for the grenadier companies only men of good faces, no short-legged and no long-necked fellows, but men who are broad of shoulder and have good limbs. The first rank should go out with 7 Zoll, the 3rd should still have 8 men of 7 Zoll well measured, the other men should be of 6 1 /2 Zoll; in the 2nd rank there should stand 5 men of 6 1/2 Zoll, the rest of 6 Zoll, well measured”¹⁶. According to Berenhorst grenadiers were “not chosen by size, they are even consistently rather small, but one seeks sure, robust men, of mature age, and good marchers”¹⁷.

Subsequently — beginning in 1740 — the grenadier companies “squadroned” together into their own battalions, fundamentally from two regiments. These four-company grenadier battalions were deployed independently of their parent units and formed brigades with their own lower staff. The combination initially applied only for a campaign, from 1756 (ordres of 25 and 27 June 1756) it was constant for the following war years and even in peacetime after 1763 a fixed composition remained valid. In the Seven Years’ War there were in total 29 grenadier battalions¹⁸. After the return to the infantry regimental organization (1799) that had been valid until 1786 and had been temporarily abolished by Frederick William II, the grenadier battalions already in peacetime formed independent grenadier battalions. They had their own staff and at times their own garrison.

Initially (1735) a grenadier company consisted of 1 captain, 2 lieutenants, 7 non-commissioned officers, 1 surgeon, 3 drummers, 2 pipers, 6 carpenters, 81 grenadiers and 4 supernumeraries, thus in total: 107 persons. Already in September 1735 1 non-commissioned officer and 3 grenadiers (now a total of 111) and in 1739 1 lieutenant, 1 non-commissioned officer and 6 grenadiers were added. The supernumeraries were increased to 8 (now a total of 123). According to the Regulation of 1743 (p. 5) a grenadier company numbered: 4 officers, 9 non-commissioned officers, 2 pipers, 3 drummers, 126 grenadiers and 1 surgeon. Among the 126 grenadiers there were also 6 carpenters (Regulation of 1743, p. 5), who were increased to 7 in 1749 and 1750 and to 10 in the years 1781–84. The increase of the establishment of the grenadier companies due to the Regulation of 1743 was in part only implemented in 1744 in the individual regiments. In the field the carpenters remained with their regiment and manned the regimental and battalion guns19. After the abolition or conversion of the carpenters in 1788 (reintroduced March 1796!) this function was fulfilled by the so‑called regimental artillerymen, which were 17 — for this purpose designated and trained grenadiers and musketeers — per battalion (Regulation of 1788, p. 4).

From 1718 the companies were required to have 5 supernumeraries without muskets who could step in for unforeseen losses (ordres of 05.08. and 23.11.1718). The Regulation of 1726 states: “Besides the aforementioned men each company shall have 5 supernumerary men, who shall never march in arms, except when a fellow becomes sick, then a supernumerary shall be placed in his stead” (pp. 4/5). The Regulation of 1743 (pp. 5/6) already provided 10 supernumeraries per grenadier and 8 per musketeer company (in the 1st battalion Life Guard each company had 12 supernumeraries). In the cuirassier and dragoon regiments there were 12 per squadron. A doubling of the supernumeraries then took place in the mobilization of 1740 and was later retained. A further doubling of the supernumeraries occurred by an ordre of 20.02.1755 on the eve of the Seven Years’ War²⁰. Only half of the doubled supernumeraries were to be called up in any one year for the drill season. The supernumeraries were normally maintained by the company holders, but for some formations without canton the corresponding pay was taken over by the general war chest. On their own initiative the regiments appear to have kept an increasing number of so‑called over‑supernumeraries — also called Krümper²¹ — beyond the prescribed number. This also applies to the hussar regiments, which, due to the large influx of volunteers, had no problems in this regard²². According to a report from 1787 there were infantry companies with 20–30 supernumeraries²³. This practice was prohibited on 27.02.1788. Complementing the composition of the super- and over-supernumeraries we refer to a preserved regimental book of Infantry Regiment No. 8 from 1783²⁴. Accordingly the supernumeraries are almost exclusively foreigners (not in the strict sense, for among them is e.g. one Berliner or Silesian) of rather small stature, whereas the over‑over‑supernumeraries are entirely locals (cantonists).

Recruits necessarily find no mention in the establishments. However they were recorded in the company muster rolls (a combination of muster and rotation roll), for example in the already mentioned regimental book of Infantry Regiment von Hacke (No. 8, Stettin) from 1783 by the letters R or RR, the former denoting locals and the latter foreigners. These were written in red in the lists and were — apart from soldiers taken over by musketeer companies — either “from the recruiting” or “from the regiment.” In this way both the general recruitment and the regimental recruitment were named as “type of increase.” For this reason a recruit from Potsdam in the musketeer company von Kalckreuth is marked RR in the regimental book, but in the “national list” counted among the royal Prussian native children. In other preserved regimental books — e.g. of Infantry Regiments No. 9 (1803) and No. 3 (1805) — the recruits are entered in the corresponding lists with green ink.

The majority of the infantry regiments present in 1763 (apart from No. 3, 6, 15 — at that time there existed: 46 infantry regiments) likewise consisted of two battalions each of five musketeer and one grenadier company. Exceptions were the Grenadier Guard Battalion (No. 6) with 1, the I. Battalion Life Guard together with the II. and III. Guard Battalion (No. 15 II and III) with a total of 3 and Infantry Regiment No. 3 with 3 battalions. Infantry Regiment No. 49 had no associated grenadiers. In the course of the demobilization after the end of the Seven Years’ War the regiments were returned to the “peacetime footing.” According to Jany²⁵, from 1763 the majority of infantry regiments numbered in total 1,722 persons: 50 officers, 118 non-commissioned officers, 12 surgeons, 48 musicians (including hautbois), 274 grenadiers and 1,220 musketeers.

Deviating from this were the I. Battalion Guard with 920, the Grenadier Guard Battalion (von Saldern) with 864, Infantry Regiment Anhalt‑Bernburg (No. 3, Halle) with 2,580 and 5 infantry regiments without grenadier companies (No. 41, 44, 45, 48, 49) with 1,404 establishment combatants. The grenadier companies of regiments No. 41, 44, 45, 48 formed grenadier battalions Nos. 2 and 3²⁶. Nos. 41, 44, 48, 49 had no hautbois; Nos. 44, 45, 48 had no supernumeraries until 1765²⁷. The inventory of the life company of No. 41 lists a silver trumpet, so that this troop which rose to a field regiment in 1756 at least privately maintained hautbois²⁸.

Through the augmentations of the years 1765 and 1774–77 the bulk of the old Prussian infantry regiments was increased again. In 1768 and 1769 the 12 Markish regiments were each reinforced by 480 men. Gradually between 1774 and 1777 all remaining regiments received an increase of 240 men each, whereas the guards and the five newly created regiments were not affected by the augmentations²⁹. After completion of the “half augmentation” each of these regiments had been strengthened by 240 men (20 per company); now each musketeer company comprised 142 and each grenadier company 150 rank-and-file.

According to the company muster rolls of the aforementioned regimental book of Infantry Regiment von Hacke (No. 8, Stettin) from 1783 this unit after the aforementioned augmentations counted e.g. a total of 2,004 men, namely: 51 officers, 118 non-commissioned officers, 12 surgeons, 4 pipers, 7 hautbois, 38 drummers, 18 carpenters, 88 supernumeraries, 36 over‑over‑supernumeraries and 1,632 rank-and-file formed in 3 ranks. According to Jany the aforementioned Infantry Regiment No. 8 in October 1776 received 10 men (per company) and in January 1777 another 10 men (per company). The officer corps thus made up on this basis in relation to the stated headcount of the aforesaid regiment 2.5% and the non-commissioned officer corps 6%. To the effective strength of the unit the remaining members of the lower staff are to be added. Under Frederick William II the formation of the infantry was completely changed; from 1787 each infantry regiment now consisted of one grenadier battalion and two musketeer battalions³⁰. After dissolution of the garrison regiments the infantry regiments received a depot battalion. The Regulation of 1788 determined: “Each infantry regiment consists of 3 field and 1 depot battalion. Of the former, one is a grenadier and the two others musketeer battalions. Each of these contains 4 companies, whereas the depot battalion has only 3 companies”³¹. In 1792 an invalid company was additionally established for each infantry regiment. From 1786 (A.K.O. of 01.06.1786) each infantry regiment comprised 55 officers, 144 non-commissioned officers, 6 hautbois players, 1 regimental drummer, 2 battalion drummers, 36 company drummers, 12 surgeons (from 1792 company surgeons), 54 carpenters, 120 riflemen (from 1788), 560 grenadiers, 1,120 musketeers and 7 members of the lower staff. The strength of a company amounted to 1 captain, 3 subaltern officers, 12 non-commissioned officers, 4 artillerymen, 3 drummers, 10 riflemen and 140 rank-and-file (76 foreigners and 93 cantonists). To each battalion were added 18 carpenters (from 20.03.1788 these bore the designation: regimental artillerymen, see above). The 10 riflemen of each company were specially selected soldiers intended for patrol duty with rifled bayonet muskets³². From 05.12.1793 a hornist also belonged to each battalion, responsible for the signals for the riflemen. In 1799 (from 01.06. pursuant to the A.K.O. of 28.02.1799) however the original composition was restored, since from 01.06.1799 the infantry regiments again were to comprise two grenadier companies and two musketeer battalions of five companies each³³, in addition to the depot battalion, which since 1796 had already been converted into so‑called 3rd musketeer battalions.

The depot battalion or 3rd musketeer battalion was intended in case of mobilization to take over the role of a replacement battalion for the regiment or to perform fortress duty. The depot battalions were considered inferior. In this connection the remarks of a subaltern officer from Infantry Regiment von Kleist (No. 5, Magdeburg) are enlightening: “At that time (1804) Lieutenant General von Kleist, the new chief of our regiment, made me adjutant. This first military distinction gave me much pleasure, although my new service relation was very humble. I was indeed appointed adjutant to the so‑called third battalion. The law of the time ordered that the eight youngest lieutenants serve in this battalion, which consisted of half‑invalids of the regiment and was actually the regiment’s garrison battalion; they did not march in war and drilled the reinforcements to be sent. But not only half-invalids formed this battalion, one also threw the scum of the regiment into it. The officers also consisted of half-invalids, who found a good military retirement in it, or also of those who because of service offences or other field‑service unfitness should not be entirely dismissed, and of the aforesaid eight young officers. In this position, where I could more or less do as I pleased, I liked it well, and I had the prospect of soon becoming adjutant in a regimental battalion”³⁴.

In 1806 the infantry counted 4 guard battalions (each of 6 companies), 28 grenadier battalions (each of 4 companies) and 2 musketeer battalions (each of 5 companies). In addition to the guard formations (No. 6, No. 15) and the grenadier battalions there existed at that time 58 infantry regiments. There were also 24 fusilier battalions (each of 4 companies) and the field‑jäger regiment with 3 battalions (each of 4 companies).

The regimental staff under Frederick William I initially comprised 1 colonel, 1 lieutenant colonel and from 1735 2 majors. The staff officers were also counted in the officer corps of an infantry regiment within the fixed establishment strength. These were — as already mentioned — at the same time company holders and therefore, in addition to the staff allowance, also drew one of the twelve captain’s salaries including the flat rates for the pay and outfitting of their company, thus not increasing the number of officers beyond the stated establishment. The complement of 4 staff officers for each infantry regiment was still valid under Frederick the Great. Some regiments, however, showed an excess staff officer. This deviation from the norm was caused by the need for leaders when forming the grenadier battalions, whose establishment in addition to the officers of the four grenadier companies (a total of 16) also included the battalion commander (usually a major, simultaneously company chief) and 1 adjutant (ensign)³⁵. Only “distinguished (i.e. meritorious) officers who understand their service” were transferred to the grenadier companies³⁶. The company of the regimental chief and of the regimental commander were — as already mentioned — commanded by a staff captain. The number of staff captains was later increased from 2 to 3. According to Lossow³⁷ the 51‑member officer corps of an infantry regiment in the late Friderician period was composed as follows:

1) The regimental chief,

2) the regimental commander, who at the same time commanded the I. Battalion,

3) the commander of the second battalion, 4) two staff officers for direction (note: the majors), 5) 7 captains,

6) three staff captains (as well as) nine premier lieutenants,

7) 17 second lieutenants and 10 ensigns.

Two subalterns were adjutants.

The 2 adjutant positions (1 adjutant per battalion) were already created in 1720³⁸, the regimental adjutant post was established in 1729. According to a contemporary, generals take their adjutants from the regiment; the battalion adjutant the king gives three thalers monthly for the feeding of a horse. These positions are therefore much sought after, and cause rivalry among the young men”³⁹. Frederick the Great sometimes criticized the practice that “generals take old officers as their adjutants, but find it better if they take younger ones”⁴⁰.

Cavalry: After the first reform work at the beginning of the reign of the “Soldier King” a regiment of horse without regimental staff counted: 18 officers, 36 non-commissioned officers (including 6 sergeants), 12 trumpeters, 450 rank-and-file (no corporals), as well as 6 surgeons, 6 flag smiths and 6 saddlers (total: 534 persons). A dragoon regiment counted: 24 officers, 56 non-commissioned officers (including 8 sergeants and 8 corporal‑lances), 16 drummers, 600 rank-and-file (no corporals) as well as 8 surgeons and 8 flag smiths (total: 712 persons). Over the next years the establishments of the regiments of horse grew to: 31 officers (from 1730 two cornets including an adjutant were added), 60 non-commissioned officers, 10 trumpeters, 660 rank-and-file (and 30 supernumeraries), as well as 5 surgeons and 10 flag smiths. The dragoon regiments, which already numbered 10 squadrons, had: 52 officers (including 12 ensigns), 120 non-commissioned officers, 30 drummers, 1,320 rank-and-file (and 50 supernumeraries), as well as 8–10 surgeons and 10 flag smiths. In 1740 Frederick the Great found 12 regiments of horse (later cuirassiers), 6 regiments of dragoons (3 of 5 and 3 of 10 squadrons) and 2 regiments of hussars (a total of 9 squadrons). After the failure of the Prussian cavalry at the Battle of Mollwitz the king devoted energetic attention to their training and tactics; at the same time the hussar arm was systematically and numerically strengthened.

According to the regulations of 1743 the cavalry regiments comprised (in brackets the establishments of the squadrons):

At the beginning of the Seven Years’ War (1756) there were 12 regiments of horse each with 5 squadrons, the squadrons each divided into 2 companies. In addition there was the regiment Garde du Corps established in 1740 with (from 1756) 3 squadrons. The following units carried special designations: K 3 (life regiment), K 10 (regiment Gendarmes), K 11 (carabiniers) and K 13 (Garde du Corps). Furthermore there were 12 dragoon regiments (a total of 70 squadrons), of which D I–IV, VII–XII comprised 5 and D V and VI 10 squadrons. D III carried from 22.08.1714 to 1741 the designation: grenadiers on horseback (denied after parts of the regiment failed in the action at Baumgarten). The 8 hussar regiments present in 1756 were each 10 squadrons strong; H 5 included a Bosniak flag. In 1762 the latter was increased to a regiment with a total of 10 squadrons (H 9).

After the peace of Hubertusburg (1763) the establishments for the cavalry regiments were fixed as follows⁴²: 1 regiment of cuirassiers with 5 squadrons: 37 officers (according to Jany⁴³ K 10 had 42 and from 1770 40 officers), 70 non‑commissioned officers, 12 trumpeters, 720 cuirassiers, lower staff with 7 members, 5 company surgeons, 10 flag smiths (total: 861). 1 regiment of dragoons with 5 squadrons (2 dragoon regiments counted 10 squadrons): 37 officers, 70 non‑commissioned officers, 6 hautbois, 10 trumpeters, 5 drummers, 720 rank‑and‑file, lower staff with 7 members, 5 company surgeons, 10 flag smiths (total: 865). On 01.06.1771 it was determined that each dragoon squadron should have no longer 3 drummers but 2 trumpeters and only 1 drummer. D X only received 1 kettledrummer and hautbois in 1772, D XI had no kettledrummer. 1 regiment of hussars with 10 squadrons: 52 officers (according to Jany⁴⁴ until 1766 H 1, 5, 7, 8 had only 41 officers), 110 non‑commissioned officers, 10 trumpeters, 1,320 hussars, lower staff with 4 members, 10 company surgeons, 10 flag smiths (total: 1,516). The Bosniaks had a different establishment, namely: 5 officers, 16 non‑commissioned officers, 2 flag smiths, 1 surgeon, 1 trumpeter and 200 rank‑and‑file. Besides the 8 hussar regiments and the Bosniaks there were 2 hussar commands (Rheinsberg/Magdeburg).

In 1786 the cavalry still comprised 12 cuirassier regiments (each with 5 squadrons), 1 Gardes du Corps regiment (with 3 squadrons), 12 dragoon regiments with 5 or 10 squadrons and 10 hussar regiments with 10 squadrons; in addition there was the mounted field hunter corps with 172 men. Up to 1806 D XIII. (1802), D XIV. (1803) and the Hussar Battalion von Bila (H 11, 1792) were still formed. Furthermore there were the hussar commands in Magdeburg and Rheinsberg–Berlin. The Bosniaken regiment was reorganized into a Towarczys corps in 1799. Analogous to developments in the infantry, by A.K.O. of 06.03.1787 the cavalry regiments received so‑called carabiniers equipped with rifled firearms (10 each in cuirassier, 12 each in dragoon and hussar regiments).

From 24.06.1789 the division of squadrons into companies was abolished, it remained only in K 10⁴⁵. The corresponding order read: "Since His Royal Majesty of Prussia has hitherto most supremely perceived that there prevails a great difference between the cuirassier and dragoon regiments both in the establishment and in the composition and internal constitution of the two types of troops, and that this cannot but be detrimental to the Royal Most Supreme Service, His Royal Majesty has judged it proper henceforth for the good of the cavalry to equalize the cuirassiers in all respects with the dragoons, to set their companies into squadrons and at some time to improve the status of the staff rittmeisters both in the cuirassiers and dragoons, since they must wait longer for the attainment of a squadron than in the infantry and the hussars, in order to improve a respectable position in the establishment"⁴⁶. With the increase from 3 to 5 squadrons (1798), however, the Garde du Corps reintroduced the division into companies⁴⁷. The dragoons no longer had hautbois and drummers, but received 16 trumpeters. Thus they lost another feature of their originally infantry origins. The strength of the non-commissioned officer corps of the cuirassier and dragoon regiments was increased by 10 and 5 respectively.

At the head of the regimental hierarchy stood the regimental chief. The regiment bore its name and did not rank by its regimental number, but (with exceptions) within the inspections according to the seniority of the chief⁴⁸.

"The regimental chief was primarily responsible for the training and the entire condition of the regiment. In peacetime, although a general, he was actually the first commander of the regiment, since higher formations, brigades, were formed only in war and for larger troop exercises with the deployment of the order of battle. Under the chief stood a commander, a colonel."⁴⁹ In the "Instruction for the Major Generals of the Cavalry" Frederick the Great commented on the duties and scope of action of the regimental chief: "In times of peace and in garrisons the major generals of the cavalry actually perform colonel’s duties, yet even in peacetime they have opportunities to distinguish themselves, namely when they keep their regiments in very good order"⁵⁰. This applied analogously to the infantry. On the occasion of the granting of a regiment, both Frederick William I and Frederick the Great often expressed their expectations of the future holder in similar phrases: "I do not doubt that you will always command the regiment with due fidelity and application honestly, and keep it in that good order and discipline which you know well enough that I require"⁵¹. When on 02.10.1750 the Hungarian-born Michael von Szekely became colonel and chief of H 1, this was done "in the gracious confidence that you will lead such a regiment as a loyal, honest and diligent chief, take care of its welfare with care, and above all continue without neglect to work so that you set and maintain it in that order which my service necessarily requires and which I absolutely will"⁵². The king’s correspondence with the respective regimental holders in essence dealt with all matters of the regiment and even referred to minor details. In particular, the regimental chief was expected to exercise consistent personnel management—especially with regard to the officer corps. When the holder of Infantry Regiment No. 31 (Breslau) interceded in 1746 for a subaltern officer sentenced to fortress imprisonment, the king reacted angrily: "This is precisely what makes me completely dissatisfied with you, namely that when an officer merits to be punished, you are so mild and do not know how to apply severity to officers who act against service or otherwise behave impertinently, but rather spare and protect them in a wholly unjust manner, whereby it then happens that the regiment falls into disorder from the good order in which it was previously. Since you can surely believe that I did not give you the regiment to ruin it, I hereby again earnestly remind you to change your previous conduct and to urge the officers of the regiment with all rigor and insistence to duty and to good conduct, otherwise I will be obliged to make a change with you, give the regiment to another and put you on pension"⁵³. The king demanded cooperation between regimental chief and commander: "I have received your letter of the 27th of last month and since I have now sent a good commander to the regiment who fully knows my intentions regarding the service, I am confident that as soon as you duly assist him and see to it that especially the officers are kept in check and apply themselves properly to service, you will be able with little effort to bring and keep the whole regiment in order"⁵⁴. The regimental chiefs had extensive powers particularly regarding recruitment and replacements, which were already limited by the rescript of 09.10.1738 (discharge for those enrolled unfit for military service) and again by the creation of the general inspections (1763) as well as in the course of the reorganization of the canton system in 1764. Independent of this, the regimental holders played a significant role in their respective garrisons—especially regarding the condition of the city walls and other construction matters, matters of internal security (e.g. fire protection and hygiene) and order, as well as billeting and price setting—so conflicts with civil administration (and the guilds) were not uncommon. All the more astonished is today’s observer—who is accustomed to an oversized state administration—when he learns of the small size of a regimental office: "They (note: the colonel and regimental commander of an infantry regiment with his wife) lived alone in a fairly spacious house; yet they confined themselves to a single room in which both all domestic and official affairs were transacted. An oak writing desk with two flaps without superstructure, above which hung a round, small mirror, a table covered with oilcloth on which writing implements and some papers—almost the entire regimental office—lay, a sofa woven with cane, six similar chairs, an armchair covered with blue linen, a pine cupboard and a dining table were the furnishings of this room ..."⁵⁵.

The regimental commander nevertheless had an important function—as is already evident from the above royal letter to the chief of H 7—especially when the actual regimental holder was burdened by other duties, e.g. as general inspector. Thus Frederick the Great wrote on 19.08.1756 to Julius Paul Dietrich von Queis (regimental commander of No. 36, Brandenburg a.d.H.), "since Major General von Münchow will become commandant of Glogau, ... he must lead the regiment"⁵⁶. In wartime the regimental chief, usually a general, generally received a higher command that separated him from his regiment. The regimental commander (before 1763 always the oldest staff officer) then automatically represented the absent regimental chief. Since the regiment was not a tactical unit but the battalion was the combat unit and counted as an independent organism in the order of battle, the regimental commander then commanded the I. Battalion, while the II. was led by its oldest staff officer. In 1751 it was ordered that the general, "when the regiment is closed for charging, shall no longer perform staff officer duties, but then the oldest staff officer shall as commander of the regiment lead the I. and the second staff officer the II. Battalion in charging as in a line of the army. But when the regiment is opened on marching and presented to the king, then the general on foot leads the I. Battalion as colonel and the colonel leads the II. Battalion"⁵⁷. From 1787 regimental commanders, for reasons of better overview, were not to command battalions any longer. After 1763 the function of regimental commander was elevated, since they were now properly appointed by the king. While rank relations became only secondary criteria, personal abilities and merits now came to the fore. The appointment of younger staff officers as regimental commanders, however, led in practice to conflicts, because bypassing the principle of seniority affected the pronounced sense of honor and ambition of the old-Prussian officer. Bevern does not ignore this friction point in his "Army History": "... although it was declared hereby that advancement should go by turn up to and including lieutenant colonel, instances were found in which in some regiments the 2nd and 3rd staff officers came to command the regiment and the seniors of similar character had to obey the younger’s orders"⁵⁸.

A regimental commander was supposed, in the king’s view, to have "fire" (letter to Lieutenant General von Braun dated 17.01.1786); Frederick the Great "meant no joke" even with battalion commanders (!). Before making a corresponding appointment, the king inquired: "I would like to know whether Major von Lüttwitz of Tauentzien’s regiment is capable of commanding this regiment when the Prince of Hohenlohe as senior colonel himself receives a regiment, and I therefore wished to charge you hereby to consider the matter very exactly and thoroughly, and then to give me your report; so that I know it for sure"⁵⁹. If the king had cause for criticism, not only the regimental chief but also the regimental commander had to justify himself. In an ungracious letter of 05.06.1786 to Colonel von Marwitz (regimental commander of No. 34, Ruppin) it becomes clear that the responsibility of the regimental commander regularly encompassed the whole regiment: "The excuses with which you wished to disclaim participation in the errors of the 2nd battalion of the regiment under your command I find by no means sufficient. For since both battalions are stationed in one garrison, it was not only incumbent on you to give both your proper attention, but you also had every opportunity to do so"⁶⁰. In separate instructions for the commanders of infantry and cavalry regiments Frederick the Great had already on 11.05.1763 described in detail the sphere of duties of the regimental commanders and laid down "how they are to conduct themselves with regard to the small service in the garrisons, with regard to the discipline of the common soldiers, the strict discipline, the exercising of the regiments, good supervision and discipline of the officers and the economy". The regimental regulations also contained numerous provisions in this regard; in particular, the staff officers were to visit and drill the companies/squadrons of a regiment that were often dispersed over different locations monthly, "and to see carefully whether the companies are in good order"⁶¹.

Until 1806 the regiments—except for a few exceptions—were designated only by the names of their holders. Before 1713 the regimental name still implied a proprietary right; remnants of this notion manifested themselves in the company economy customary until 1806/07. If a regimental holder’s post became vacant and remained unfilled for a time, the regiment initially retained its former name with the addition: vacant. There were often regiments with identical names of their chiefs; then the older regiment was usually called, for example, Alt‑Schwerin (Old Schwerin), and the younger regiment consequently bore the designation Jung‑Schwerin (Young Schwerin)⁶². If more than two regiments bore the same name, problems arose. When on 09.12.1744 Philipp Felix Bogislavs von Schwerin became chief of Infantry Regiment No. 31, two regiments already bore the name Schwerin. For this reason the regiment was called after the hair color of the aforementioned "Black‑Schwerin"⁶³. The numbers used in the printed muster lists (1756–1806) were not customary in service use and go back to the Dessau specifications of 1729/37⁶⁴. The designation of the regiments by these regimental numbers was officially introduced only on 01.10.1806.

This leads to the topic of the order of precedence of the regiments in the old Prussian army, i.e., the vertical structure of superior and subordinate relations among the various formations. The regiments ranked according to the seniority of their chiefs, i.e., they changed name and rank with a new holder. Thus the order of precedence followed the principle of seniority, a principle opposed to the principle of merit for the allocation of positions of authority. However, this principle applied only in general, since there were some exceptions. In the infantry, irrespective of the respective seniority relations, Nos. 6, 15 and subsequently Nos. 1, 18, 34, 35 and 13 ranked before the other regiments. Under Frederick William I the king’s regiment that had emerged from Regiment Kronprinz No. 6 enjoyed particular favor and care. It consisted of the "Red Life Battalion Grenadiers" and the 2nd and 3rd battalions of the King’s Regiment and was notable in particular for its tall soldiers (garrisons: Potsdam and Brandenburg, from 1735 Potsdam). Contemporaries sometimes called this guard formation a "pampered Praetorian guard" (Pöllnitz). Already at the granting of Infantry Regiment No. 15 (then vac. Goltze) to the Crown Prince in 1722 the soldier‑king ordered: "... We have therefore wished to give your dear one a paternal notification of this our decision and at the same time to make known that we have ranked the regiment behind the major generals and before all colonel regiments, so that it is for the time being always the oldest of the colonel regiments and remains so"⁶⁵. After his accession in 1740 Frederick the Great elevated No. 15 to the guard rank (now King’s Regiment with 3 battalions, initially also referred to as "His Majesty the King’s Regiment Garde"). From the former 1st battalion of the previous Kronprinz regiment and unranked elements of the King’s Regiment the 1st Battalion Life‑Guard was formed on 04.08.1740 (according to Jany the designation Leibgarde or Garde already appears in July and August 1740). Miltitz reports in his notes: "His Majesty distinguished this battalion from the other two guard battalions not only in the uniform, but also in all respects, whereby the officers had a higher rank in the army and did not serve and rank with any other battalion"⁶⁶. The 2nd battalion arose from the two grenadier companies of the former Kronprinz regiment and from men of the old King’s Regiment. The 3rd battalion was formed from contributions from the army in exchange with soldiers of the old King’s Regiment. The 2nd and 3rd battalions formed the Regiment Garde (often referred to only as the 2nd and 3rd battalions Garde). The old King’s Regiment was dissolved, and from its remnants, for reasons of tradition, a so‑called Grenadier Garde Battalion (No. 6) was newly formed. According to the order of 07.02.1743 (until 20.12.1801) the Grenadier‑Garde‑Battalion bore the name of the respective chief, thereafter only the designation Grenadier‑Garde‑Battalion. Its officers also ranked one step ahead of those of the army. The special relationship of the king to Nos. 15 and 6 is evident in the order of 11.05.1763, according to which "all requests, such as leaves, permissions, promotions, likewise all reports from the Garde and Retzow, as before, are to go immediately to His Majesty"⁶⁷. The privileges of the guard units had to be strictly observed; the king could react sharply to corresponding offenses. When the Grenadier‑Garde‑Battalion during sentry duty challenged General von Anhalt, although it had the prerogative not to challenge generals, its chief von Lestwitz was admonished: "I have learned with displeasure that your subordinate battalion has on several occasions forgotten that it has in a most arbitrary manner departed from those privileges of my Regiment Garde graciously bestowed upon it at its founding by Me. Such conduct contrary to My intention cannot but be unpleasant to Me, and I therefore wish that the battalion shall not further commit such brazen misconduct, and you as its chief shall see to and maintain most earnestly that it shall at all times conduct itself in every respect worthy of its institution"⁶⁸. Complaints by other officers regarding the preferential treatment of the guard officers were recognized but nevertheless rejected: "My dear Major von Götzen. I cannot but regard it as a sign of your known honest ambition and therefore not entirely disapprove that you might feel the seniority advantage of Major von Scheelen not entirely indifferent. However, and as you will recall how I have always observed some difference with my first battalion; thus the present case should not seem so strange to you"⁶⁹. The regiments of the garrison Wesel (Nos. 41, 44, 45) ranked among themselves (since 1743). In 1763 this was restricted for the generals and staff officers of these regiments, i.e., they then ranked with the other field regiments of the infantry.

In the cavalry K 13, K 10, K 3, K 11, D V and H 2 led the regimental order of precedence. Under Frederick William I K 10 was regarded as the most noble regiment of the cavalry; in a letter to Lieutenant General von Natzmer dated 30.12.1713 the king referred to K 10 as the "First Regiment of our House"⁷⁰. Already on establishing the squadron Gens d'armes in 1691 the formation was granted guard status: "We wish to consider this squadron Gens d'armes as a corps of our electoral house, grant it all prerogatives and freedoms as are customary with the corps of the Grands‑Mousquetaires, whereby we will suitably reward its commander and this squadron ... From all other fatigues however, such as particular watches in camp, labor and other commands which are not befitting a guard, this squadron shall be and remain exempt"⁷¹. K 10, initially only one squadron strong, was increased to 4 squadrons in 1713 and to 5 squadrons in 1718; from 1731 it had the establishment strength of the other mounted regiments. K 3 ranked behind K 10 but did not enjoy the privileges of the guard. K 11 was converted on 11.06.1717 from a dragoon regiment (Markgraf Albrecht) into a mounted regiment, a step founded on special merits that was regarded as a social elevation in the army hierarchy. The corresponding order read: "After His Royal Majesty in Prussia, in honor of Prince Albrecht Friedrich’s high regiment, has declared the dragoon regiment by special grace and distinction to be a mounted regiment, but such that it shall remain on the previous ration until further order, however the trumpeters at the said regiment are to be equipped with the most necessary items"⁷². On 28.04.1738 K 11 was given the designation Leibkarabinier Regiment and was assigned a rank immediately after the Leib Regiment (K 3): "We Frederick William King in Prussia, after having most graciously resolved to declare, upon the recent death of the late Major General Count von Truchseß, his formerly held regiment of horse to be the Leib Carabinier Regiment. Initially and first our Leib Carabinier Regiment shall have the rank immediately after our Leib Regiment of Horse; he, our colonel, the Count von Wartensleben, shall command it"⁷³. After the establishment of the Regiment Garde du Corps Frederick the Great ordered: "with regard to the Garde du Corps, that it is to be placed before the Gens d'armes in the monthly list"⁷⁴. Thus K 13 stood at the head of the mounted regiments or cuirassier regiments. After the outstanding success of D V in the Battle of Hohenfriedberg on 04.06.1745 the regiment received a royal letter of grace. In this diploma Frederick the Great declared his decision that "not only the whole dragoon regiment Bayreuth, on account of this brave action, before all other dragoon regiments of our army, now and for all time be granted the exalted distinction, privilege and badge of honor, that the regiment shall at any time, on campaign and march, whether in the field or in garrisons, be permitted to play the Grenadier March with their kettledrums but also to play the march of our cuirassier reuters, and also wish to make the memory of this glorious action even more remarkable by granting the whole regiment the right to bear the captured trophies, on banners and cannons, in their so‑called regimental seals"⁷⁵. H 2 (formed in 1730 as Leib‑Corps Husaren with 3 squadrons in Berlin) occupied precedence before the other hussar regiments and initially bore the unofficial designation Leib‑Regiment Husaren (officially recognized as Leib‑Hussar Regiment by the A.K.O. of 29.12.1794). However, the privileged position of H 2 had limits. When Major General (later Lieutenant General) Friedrich Eberhard Sigismund Günther von Goeckingk, as regimental chief of H 2, requested the same privileges for his regiment as for K 10, King Frederick William II declined: "I will protect the hussar regiment entrusted to you at all times with its previous advantages and the precedence granted to it before the other hussar regiments. However, I cannot take from the regiment Gens d'armes, which since its foundation has enjoyed the privileges of the guards and whose prerogatives are older than those of your regiment, its rights. Thus, just as the officers of your regiment have precedence over other and older hussar officers of the same rank, so do the officers of the regiment Gens d'armes have precedence over the other cavalry officers. I reply to you on your letter of the 30th of last month in answer"⁷⁶. The garrison formations ranked among themselves and were regarded—as with the garrison grenadiers—as inferior⁷⁷.

Accordingly, in the formal hierarchy of the old Prussian army the guards occupied a preferred rank above all, from which certain privileges (higher rank of officers relative to the other field regiments, higher pay or allowances, special uniform features, honors only before certain persons, etc.) and behavioral obligations followed. At the same time the special social appreciation enjoyed by the guards fostered an elitist self‑image, sometimes perceived by members of other formations simply as arrogance. This feeling of superiority of the guards, which in the old Prussian army were not household troops but genuine front troops, also manifested itself in outstanding performance in emergencies⁷⁸. Alongside the formally codified order of precedence there thus also existed a real merit principle; Nos. 6, later also No. 15 (in the cavalry: K 13) were more than prestigious and parade units, but performers and experimental units par excellence. From the privileged position did not necessarily follow permanent royal favor, since the special status of these formations did not protect them from harsh criticism in the event of real or supposed failures. Esteemed regiments—especially under the aegis of Frederick the Great—have had to experience this painfully. That merit thinking prevailed in the old Prussian army is also shown by the fact that after the Seven Years’ War and the creation of the general inspections some formations—regardless of their place in the order of precedence—were rewarded for special services in war by immediate pay, leave pay, etc.; in the Mark Brandenburg these were: Nos. 15, 6, 18, 35, 34, 1, 13, 39, 23 and K 2, K 10, K 13, D I, H 2; in Pomerania: Nos. 17, 30 and D IV, V, XII; in Magdeburg: Nos. 5, 27, 3; in Silesia: Nos. 31, 49, 28 and K 8, K 12; in Prussia: No. 2 and D VII, D X, H 5; and in Westphalia: Nos. 41, 10 and 9. In 1773 No. 21 (Halberstadt) followed⁷⁹. The privileging of individual formations inevitably led to friction with other troop elements; for example, Kalckreuth documents such competitive behavior with regard to the so‑called "favorite dragoons" (D V) for the Battle of Leuthen (1757)⁸⁰.

Independent of the official order of precedence, regiments with an older date of foundation were generally regarded as more distinguished in subjective esteem than younger formations. When Infantry Regiment von Kleist (No. 26, Berlin) lost its holder through death in 1749, Prince Henry turned to his royal brother and requested that, instead of his current regiment (No. 35), he be granted the now vacant Regiment No. 26, arguing that it was a greater honor to be at the head of an old regiment (and because the king apparently intended to keep him permanently tied to Berlin, as the construction of a palace proved). The request was rejected in clear terms⁸¹. When Major General Otto Heinrich von Laxdehnen, who came from civilian origins (commander of No. 15 I.), was granted the newly formed Infantry Regiment No. 51 (Marienburg) in 1773, he complained to the king on 05.01.: "Since I have served Your Majesty for 40 years with all uprightness, and seven regiments have already passed me by with the most gracious explicit assurance that this should do me no harm, I cannot accept the new regiment awarded to me out of turn without giving cause to others for a surely undeserved prejudice, as if I were not worthy of a better fate. For this just and honor‑fitting reason I most humbly lay the new regiment at Your Majesty’s feet and beg most submissively for my dismissal, albeit with the greatest chagrin". Frederick the Great tried to dissuade the deserving general from this view and pointed out explicitly in his reply of 06.01.1773: "In principle an old or new regiment is the same, and it is not the age but the order prevailing in it that determines its worth in the eyes of connoisseurs"⁸². Laxdehnen could not accept this pragmatic assessment and received his dismissal on 10.01.1773 (on account of illness)⁸³.

Not only was there a formal (and informal) order of precedence between individual regiments, but the relationship between the branches of service was also shaped by the hierarchical thinking of the time. In the old Prussian army—especially since the regency of King Frederick William I—the infantry was favored. The Soldier‑King, although he also expanded the cavalry numerically, regarded this still relatively cumbersome branch with mistrust. One relied primarily on the superior firepower of the infantry: "I now desire to break the best cavalry if it attacks us on open ground; I believe one could confound the devil in hell with those speedy shots, let alone people"⁸⁴. This assessment is corroborated by an episode from 1745: after the Battle of Hohenfriedberg Hereditary Prince Maximilian sent his father, Prince Leopold of Anhalt‑Dessau, the casualty lists of the battle and excused a mishap: "N.S. Your Grace, I humbly ask pardon that my secretary listed the infantry after the cavalry in the lists. But it is too late to have them rewritten. As the post is leaving now, I had to send them in this form ..."⁸⁵. For a preference for the infantry there is also a telling incident from the late 18th century. The aforementioned von Bismarck reports: "... For the inspection and testing of these finished muskets a commission was appointed, to which from the Potsdam garrison one officer from each regiment was ordered. From the 1st Battalion Garde von Lützow was ordered for this and I from the Regiment Garde du Corps. When the protocol on the delivered muskets was to be signed, the order of the officers was according to the date of their patents; by chance the patents of von Lützow and my second lieutenant were of the same date. Now neither of them signed, since the 1st Battalion Garde and the Garde du Corps rank equally in the army. The king decided in favor of the infantry"⁸⁶.

Within the cavalry only the cuirassiers and the dragoons were considered true cavalry; the initial differences between cuirassiers and dragoons in equipment and tactical employment faded increasingly during the 18th century. Frederick William I already seems to have aimed at a kind of unified cavalry, since in 1715 the dragoons were briefly equipped with cuirasses (only breastplates) and were to receive leather collars like the regiments of horse⁸⁷. The hussar arm, originally conceived as light cavalry, in its early years "was held in the greatest contempt both in the army and throughout the country"⁸⁸. Frederick the Great, who found only 9 squadrons at the beginning of his reign, consistently increased the hussars to finally (1786) 10 regiments, including the I Regiment Bosniaken. Already after the successes in the first two Silesian wars Field Marshal von Buddenbrock reported: "So much is certain that the Silesian peasants, if it were up to their will, would for the greatest detriment of the estates all gladly become hussars"⁸⁹. Contemporaries describe the internal conditions in the hussar regiments as good and their performance accordingly⁹⁰. Especially under the leadership of General von Winterfeld the hussars developed into an effective battle cavalry and rivaled the dragoons in employment and effect at least. This development naturally also influenced their social standing within the army.

Independent of the tactical preference for the infantry in the old Prussian army, the horseman always considered himself somewhat superior to the foot soldier, but this is a general psychological phenomenon. Besides infantry and cavalry there were the technical troops. Both Frederick William I and Frederick the Great had an ambivalent attitude toward the artillery, but the latter could not close his eyes to the increasing importance of this branch in tactical warfare. Having emerged only at the end of the 17th century as an independent branch, the artillery long retained a craftsmanlike character and displayed conservative traits both in outward appearance and in the mindset of artillery personnel. In the social hierarchy the technical troops unquestionably occupied a lower rank in relation to the infantry and cavalry; this was already evidenced by the fact that the officer corps of the artillery was dominated by men of bourgeois origin. In 1784 Frederick the Great sent three bourgeois cadets to the artillery with the words: "There they can well be"⁹¹.

In the assessment of the irregular corps first established in the Silesian wars contemporaries agreed that they did not stand on the same rank as the other branches. A judgment from 1766 reads: "What the common soldier of the so‑called free battalions in recent times (with a few exceptions) has been for execrable scum and how little service they rendered for the enormous money they cost, on the contrary what damage they did to the army in robbery and plundering and the debauchery of our own best men, is known to everyone who experienced the war, to whom the former almost fancied and presumed a right because of the damned name Free Corps or Free Battalion"⁹². Frederick the Great himself described the officers of the irregulars as "usually rascally and bad stuff, hence discharged" and also saw "arrestees who sit because they presented themselves as infamously before executioner’s lackeys and hangmen" as suitable replacements for irregulars⁹³. This judgment is not altered by noting the few deserving officers who played a role even after the dissolution of the irregulars (1763) (e.g. Courbiere, Favrat, Hordt, Kleist, Salemon, Wunsch, etc.). The critical distance toward the irregulars can also be explained by the fact that so‑called small war had not yet found a firm place in the value world of contemporary soldiers and accordingly was not regarded as honorable. Thus it remains that the classic field regiments of infantry and cavalry ranked foremost in the social hierarchy of the old Prussian army.